Unfamiliar to a large portion of US culture, it is crucial to understand the impact that the actor Pedro Infante has on Mexican cinema. Viewed by many as one of the quintessential stars of La época del cine de oro de Mexicano (The Golden Age of Mexican Cinema), Infante is considered one of the most prominent actors in the genre of Cancion Ranchera (rustic comedy) films. In these genre films, Infante used his beautiful singing and rugged machismo to help establish the ideal image of Mexican masculinity. Using Corrido (a depiction of rural life) imagery that depicted traditional life in the Mexican countryside, Infante's filmography would leave a social impact on what society expected of Mexican men in the mid-20th Century. Yet this image is fascinating about Infante, as for all the ways he came to represent this corrido image in his everyday life; indeed, Infante also was at times contradictory to the traditional notion that he came to embody. Infante was not a man that genuinely stuck to conventional family life; as a child out of wedlock and numerous infidelities marked how Infante did not fall in line with social acceptability in Mexico. Conversely, Infante’s non-habit of drinking is also notable, as his ability to impersonate drunkenness also influenced audiences toward drinking habits that worried citizens of Mexico.

The purpose of this article is to present a history for the US audience of a figure that holds a special place in the heart of many Mexicans; it is not meant to sway one to think of Infante one way or the other. However, in noting the twists in turns of Infante’s life, it would not give due justice to his story to not mention the unique characteristics of Infante’s biography that contradict the image presented to audiences. The focus of this article is to note how the appearance of Infante interacts with the actual person of Infante, how the two parts overlap, and where they differ from each other. It is an opportunity to present a substantial figure to audiences that may not be aware of his magnitude while writing about the unique life as a celebrity that Infante lived, one in which he achieved a rags-to-riches story all while attaining astronomical levels of stardom before his untimely death. This paper raises historical awareness of a celebrity still recognized as one of the biggest stars of Mexican cinema.

Principios Humildes

Infante was born Pedro Infante Cruz on November 18, 1917, in Guamuchil, Mazatlán, Sinaloa to Delfino Infante Garcma and Refugio Cruz. (1) It would be Infante’s early life that would significantly influence his future persona and musical career. Music was meaningful to Infante’s family, including his dancer-instructor father, Delfino, who would teach Pedro how to sing. Infante desired to pursue a career in music, leading a group known as La Rabia before eventually participating in Orquesta la Estrella de Culiacán. Just as crucial to the start of his music career was how his upbringing built up his humble, rustico, persona; while a music career seemed to be a ways away, Infante would take up a job in carpentry to provide for his family. The skills that he learned from this practice would ironically help him continue a career in music, as he would build the guitar that he would use to perform. (2) Infante’s early focus was taking care of his family, a defining feature of Infante’s life that would reinforce his image as a noble, rural man extolling pure values. (3)

Family would be a defining theme within Infante’s life as a young adult; however, while it would help mold the persona he would embody for years to come, Infante would continue to provide for his family as he excelled in his music career excelled, securing opportunities for his family, both as a young musician in Sinaloa (4) as well as his life as a celebrity. Family relationships would also be the thing that muddies the waters of Infante’s wholesomeness. As a young man, Infante had numerous relationships with multiple women, including a relationship with Guadalupe Lopez, “...en un avasallador amor a primera vista,” (5) (...in an overwhelming love at first sight.) Infante would instead find his first marriage with María Luisa León, who would spur Infante to search for broader successes, encouraging her husband to move to Mexico City for new opportunities, a decision that would eventually pay off for the young couple. (6)

Mexico City: The Beginning of Starhood and Ranchera Comedia

1939 would see the couple make their way to the capital city, as well as the first film roles for Infante, with his first film being en un burro tres baturros (Three Peasants and a Donkey) along with some roles in short films as well. Here, we see Infante’s involvement in the Ranchera Comedia (rustic or ranch comedy) genre of Mexican cinema that would allow this star to refine his craft. The purpose of these films served a commercial purpose as well as a social according to scholars. “The comedia ranchera was, first and foremost, an efficient vehicle for the propagation of música ranchera; it was the music video system of its time and place. As the media barons soon grasped, people were primarily addicted to the nostalgia encoded or encapsulated in the songs, so they structured the movies around them.” (7) This nostalgia, while used commercially to attract consumers, would also serve a political motive for the state, for it was this yearning for older generations that were used to construct the ideal social image of Mexican citizens. Ranchera Comedias used a Mexican style of song known as the corrido (from correr - to run), a style of song that is associated with rural Mexican populations for “Its oral quality and simplicity of language,” that “facilitate its dissemination among the community.” (8) While the style of music appealed to Mexicans desiring simpler times, it was also the imagery of ranchera comedias that influenced the citizens' personalities but also reflected their racial politics. Much of the Mexican population of the mid-20th century held prejudices against indigenistas (indigenous citizens), and the nostalgic imagery helped reinforce that by instead focus the history of Mexico’s legacy to the rural charros, who were the central figures of comedia ranchera films. “Rapidly modernizing men and women wanted to keep one foot in their idealized provincial origin worlds, but also wished to avoid stigmatizing identity-attributions of rusticity and backwardness.” (9) Ranchera Comedias offered a romantic hero that embodied an idealized image of “traditional” Mexican values without having to acknowledge certain aspects of the country’s past. (10)

Infante himself embraced a nationalistic image in his early career as a performer, taking on roles of Mexican revolutionaries in films such as el ametralladora (the machine gun) and singing songs commemorating the Mexican revolt against the French on May 5. (11) However, it was not only this nationalistic image that influenced others. Many scholars acknowledge Infante’s ability to act drunk, despite Infante himself not having a habit of drinking, which is attributed to “Su experiencia provnia de haber vivido, desde su adolescencia, dentro de la bohemia de los musicos.” (12) (His experience came from having lived, since his adolescence, within the bohemia of the musicians) Infante’s influence as a faux-drunkard is so prevalent in Mexican culture that the generation in which cultural alcoholism became so prevalent is the Generación Pedroinfantesca. (13) (Pedro Infante Generation) For better or for worse, whether or not Infante intended to play a national hero for others to replicate, he would fit the role that many wanted him to be, which would help catapult his life into a new form of Mexican hero. (14)

Trágico: Career and Sudden End

Infante found immediate success with the release of el ametralladora, and soon after, Pedro was the desired figure for everything. While releasing film after film, such as el tres Garcia (The Three Garcias) and Soy charro de Rancho Grande (I am a Charro of Rancho Grande), Infante continued to record and perform music non-stop, performing in locations such as Tropicana Hall. Infante would achieve a new level of success in 1948 through the film Nosotros los Pobres (We the Poor), using the rural values he embodied for so long to play a noble boxer Pepe el Toro, to not only exhibit traditional values but “revelar los sufrimientos de los pobres.” (15) (reveal the sufferings of the poor) The success of Nosotros los Pobre will give Infante some of his most significant examples of success, spawning multiple sequels, all touching on the issue of rural poverty in Mexico. Meanwhile, Infante begins to flourish at an international level performing in Southwestern States such as California, Arizona, and Texas, expanding his fame beyond national borders. (16)

While some, in their celebrity, develop dangerous habits like drugs or alcohol, Infante found his vice in a new hobby, flying. Infante is quoted as saying “Mira, en la vida me gusta actuar y cantar, pero hay algo que prefiero sobre todo: volar. Si quieres rómpeme el contrato, rómpelo, porque no voy a dejar de hacerlo, y me mando a volar,” (17) (Look, in life I like to act and sing, but there is something that I prefer above all, flying: If you want to break the contract, I will break it because I am not going to stop doing it.) While Infante held a passion for this activity, the risks of this habit showed themselves throughout Infante’s life. In 1947, after a performance with the Cuarteto Metropolitano (Metropolitan Quartet), Infante was left with a permanent scar after crashing his plane leaving a concert. While flying would give Infante his early brush with death, a decade later, in 1957, it would be his eventual demise. Flying from Mérida, Yucatan, Infante’s plane would fall from the sky, killing the star. By 1957, Infante wasn’t the same wholesome celebrity, and the romantic relations of his past had seemed to catch up to him; nevertheless, his death was a national tragedy. Thousands of mourners made their way to Mexico City, forming rioting crowds, all caused by the unrest of wanting to see the body of the legendary actor. Fame eventually changed Infante, yet in his death, many memorialized the same singer they had come to love. (18)

Conclusion

Infante’s life is a story of personal agency, the difference between Infante, the man and Infante, the legend, and how those are defined. There are the political implications of this, what Infante meant as a political image, as the consistent character that Infante embodied served to establish a standard for the everyman to live up to, one that upheld the traditional and rural identity of Mexico. It became apparent that Infante went along with it, using his life story to build not only this political message, but the image of himself that many would continue to embrace throughout his career. Infante, as we know, was imperfect, not to say that he didn’t uphold the ideas he portrayed, but there was another part of Infante’s humanity that couldn’t be a part of his wholesome image. Infante as an image and as a human are two distinct beings with overlapping characteristics and differences that complicate what we know of the man, which we can see by the end of his career. Many people were aware of his personal life and how it contradicted the charro many had come to know. Infante’s life shows a complicated relationship with personal agency, where neither Infante nor outside forces had total control of defining who Pedro Infante truly is. In Infante’s case, this meant the inevitable tarnishing of his wholesome rustico identity by personal issues. Despite being known by Mexican society, it was also these personal issues that were not a hindrance when eulogizing and memorializing a celebrity's career that left a lasting footprint on the lives of many. Infante was by no means perfect, but Infante’s life and career present a celebrity that, for his faults, was beloved by many for his work.

The Author would like to extend his appreciation to Research and Instruction Librarian Kristina Claunch at SHSU for her assistance in obtaining resources for this project.

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Music, one can argue, is a necessary form of cultural expression regardless of how it is performed or practiced. In the Chicana/o movement, the music that has gradually evolved holds a substantial presence in America. While some scholars view the cultural adjustment made by the Chicanas/os as a case of an ethnically unique group losing its culture to a larger, monolithic mainstream culture, scholars such as George Lipsitz argue on the contrary. Referring to the Chicanas/os, Lipsitz says, “Unable to experience either simple assimilation or complete separation from dominant groups; minorities accustom themselves to a bifocality that reflects both the way that they are viewed by others.”[1] Rather than outright rejecting or adopting mainstream practices, Lipsitz views chicana/o music as toeing the line between both sides, embracing mainstream forms of music in the United States while still finding ways in which they could express their own culture. Understanding the evolution of the different eras of Chicana/o music is essential because, to quote Chicana scholar/musician Martha Gonzalez, “...takes its cues from its radical predecessors and yet is precisely distinct by the ways in which members have utilized their artistic and creative abilities to develop participatory, process-based community art practices-that is to say, approaches to art and music that focus on relationships and process rather than outcomes and products.” [2] This paper aims to analyze how Chicana/o Americans have inhabited the US music scene inhabiting their unique identities, allowing them to acknowledge the land they inhabit while also recognizing the cultural heritage that raised them.

Chicana/o music of the Late 20th Century

The definition that Gonzalez provides, one that emphasizes musical performance as an experience over a commercialized product, is critical to note because the purpose of performing music will deviate from the mainstream culture of both the US and Mexico cultures, in that the musicians of the movement are focused more on expression and experimentation rather than appeasing mainstream audiences. Gonzalez emphasizes the Época de Oro del cine Mexicano as an influence on the audience’s expectations through her father’s efforts to push her brother into stardom. Notably, for lower economic classes, Gonzalez says, all the pieces in performance, dress, staging, etc., are towards achieving professional status rather than a form of expression. “Western perspectives on music practice are inextricably infused with ideas of professionalization and upward economic and social mobility. I can see how the power and prestige of being a ‘professional singer’ was the only way my father could visualize participation in a music world,” [3] Orquestas like the Texas-based GGs, who initially performed for lower- and middle-class Tejano and Norteño audiences in the Southwest, were creatively limited to performing standard música de cantina for these crowds, despite a desire to incorporate other music genres into their repertoire like jazz. [4] The GGs would progressively gain more artistic control by the 1960s, but their efforts highlight the initial struggle that Chicana/o artists had in being able to express their message. As time progresses, Chicana/o artists begin to progressively focus on personal expression, eventually finding mainstream success beyond their local neighborhoods. [5]

By the 1970s, the central musica moderna was evolving, and the music of the Chicano movement would begin to thrive through changing sounds. A decade after the passing of Ritchie Valens in 1959, a new wave of Chicanos would continue to push Chicano-influenced art to the mainstream, presenting music that was more direct in expressing their heritage. A Los Angeles band of Chicanos known as The V.I.P.s, empowered after performing a cover “Viva Tirado” about a Mexican bullfighter, renamed their group El Chicano, gaining popularity for their Latin-jazz fused sounds and bringing Chicano rock to the mainstream nationwide while expressing their proud heritage through their performance and their identity as a group. [6] Meanwhile, two guitar-playing brothers in San Francisco would play significant roles in furthering Chicano music history. One brother, Carlos Santana, would find mainstream success as the leader of the band Santana, achieving highlights such as performing at the famed Woodstock festival in 1969, and massive crossover success. [7] Jorge, on the other hand, would work as the guitarist for the band Malo, eventually writing the song Suavecito, considered by some to be the Chicano National Anthem. [8] It is the sound that Jorge produced through this song that many members of the Chicana/o movement hold dear, noting that Jorge is, “one of the architects of a truly American sound, Chicano rock…” “Jorge came here from Mexico and not only made this his adopted country and culture, but he also helped establish a Chicano culture for the generations that came after him and even created an anthem for us…” [9] Compared to the mainstream success of Carlos, what Jorge produced is seen as a vital representation of the Chicano movement at a very crucial time, “Released at a time when Chicanos were struggling for basic rights and recognition in the U.S., “Suavecito” is a symbol of unity still widely played and enjoyed today.” [10] The music of Chicanas/os of the 1970s holds different expectations than groups like the early orquestas. The groups of this time are producing music that distinctly represents the binational identity of this movement, presenting art that while still finding mainstream success at times with groups such as El Chicano and the Santanas, was being made to represent the Chicana/o identity. [11]

The 1980s saw the period of Chicano music in which scholars like George Lipsitz dedicated more time, as this is where Lipsitz discusses the complex expression that Chicana/o music takes on. Bands like Los Lobos present the form of Chicana/o art that Lipsitz referred to as a “bifocality,” [12] in some ways summarizing the chicana/o music timeline to that point. Beginning as a band making a living performing traditional folk songs like the early orquestas, eventually starting to find mainstream success through their brand of rock and roll music like El Chicano and the Santanas, in Los Lobos’ case opening for international bands like The Clash. Lipsitz continues, “But Los Angeles Chicano rock-and-roll artists have selected another path. They have tried to straddle the line between the two cultures (Anglo and Chicano), creating a fusion music that resonates with the chaos and costs of cultural collision.” [13] The work that Los Lobos made was the next step in the evolution of the Chicano rock band. While bands like Malo and El Chicano produced Chicana/o-centric music, sometimes with a potential for mainstream success, Los Lobos uses their Chicana/o lifestyles to contribute a unique music performance to a broader, anglicized genre in the United States. [14]

Reaching mainstream success would not be the end of Chicana/o music’s evolution. By the 1990s, as alternative music is gaining prominence and mainstream success, Chicana/o artists in Los Angeles begin to create their form of Chicana/o alternative that incorporates traits from all of their predecessors. This period is a significant time to embrace their tradition, the neighborhood of East LA no longer resembles the predominantly Chicana/o population, and the work of these new bands, under a stronger Chicana/o identity, is impacting more than the Chicana/o neighborhoods. Bands like Ozomatli and Quetzal (led by Martha Gonzalez) boldly emphasize their heritage, using imagery and language from ancient civilizations and native tribes. Beyond music performance, the alternative bands of the 90s also are notable for their vocal activism for chicana/o issues that bleed into other social fields such as worker’s rights. “Rather than a politics of ‘either/or’ that asks people to choose between culture and politics, between class and race, or between distinct national identities, this cultural movement embraces a politics of ‘both/and’ that encourages dynamic, fluid, and flexible stances and identity categories.” [15] The Chicana/o bands of this era, rather than focusing their work exclusively on their communities, begin to address the intersectionality of issues that affect Chicanas/os and other groups in neighboring communities, reflecting the changing demographics. Unable to hide in a bubble, the new Chicana/o bands of the 1990s choose to make inclusiveness a part of their effort.

Conclusion

Chicana/o music and its associated movements are still evolving in the 2000s. Through the razabilly movement that engages Chicanas/os with Rockabilly, we see another form of movement that, as happened with bands like Los Lobos and Santana, challenges the assumption “...that there are forms of music, styles of dress, and other cultural texts that are naturally Latino and others that are not.” [16] This statement summarizes the movement of Chicana/o music beginning in the latter half of the 20th Century. This complex group evolved over the decades, taking on different aspects of Central American and the United States heritage. Far from finished with that, the timeline of Chicana/o music also highlights the vast array of issues taken on by artists within the movement, moving beyond cultural identity and embracing social issues non-exclusive to themselves. Understanding the complex characteristics that make up Chicana/o provides a baseline understanding of the movement and its people, showing that understanding the musicians participating in this music can help understand how complex the Chicana/o identity is.

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The Boturini Codex is an anonymously-created Aztec codex that was made between 1530 and 1541. Its second name is “Tira de la Peregrinacion” which means “The Pilgrimage Strip” and tells the story of a pilgrimage and the events during. A major detail of Boturini Codex is that it is unfinished and ends abruptly on the twenty-second page. Mesoamerican scholars believe that the author of this codex was unable to finish due to unforeseen circumstances. It is named after one of its first owners, Lorenzo Boturini Bernaducci.

The key story told within the papers of the Boturini Codex is that of the Mexica, also known as Aztecs, and their two-hundred-year odyssey from the island of Atzlán to the Valley of Mexico and their loss against the King Coxcoxtli, who was the king of the city-state Culhuacán sometime in the late 13th Century and the early 14th Century. This story is significant to Aztec history because the end result is the establishment of the great city of Tenochtitlan, which would become the largest settlement in the world over the next few centuries.

The manuscript consists of 22 pages and is believed by scholars to be unfinished by the author. It is drawn on strips of fig bark paper or “amatl” and measures in at 19 cm tall and 549 cm long. It is notable that this is one of the only Aztec codices that is entirely drawn in black ink, featuring no color besides the red tinted ink used to describe different dates. These dates are stylized as columns as seen towards the end of the manuscript.

In September of 2015, it became a part of the digital archive of Mexico’s National Institute of Anthropology and History (INAH). According to a report done by Mexico News Network, the digital edition is “designed to offer the public an unprecedented approach to one of the founding documents of the history of Mexico. The (online) application of the Pilgrimage Strip is an interactive tool that can be downloaded to an iPad or iPhone and has been developed with a facsimile (copy) edition in papel amate using pre-Hispanic techniques.” These organic replicas are being made to preserve the original for as long as possible.

The codex has resided in Mexico City at the Museo Nacional de Antropología since 1871.

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The Televisa Chapultepec Edificio de Servicios is a major example of the growing modernism within Mexico and the intricacy of art in Mexico City. Originally founded as Telesistema Mexicano in 1955, Televisa or “Grupo Televisa, S.A.B.” became what it is known as today in 1973 when it merged with Television Independiente de Mexico. Televisa is the largest mass multimedia company in Spanish America and was the first to be created which featured Spanish-language programming.

After many years of operation, Televisa wished to create a new image of themselves in Mexico City. They hired TEN ARQUITECTOS to build a center starting in 1993 in which their company could create a new and exciting place of commerce for its employees, as well serve the essential needs of their business.

Finished in 1995, the Edificio de Servicios is located across from Televisa’s executive office and TV transmission tower in downtown Mexico City and contains magnificent architectural features, such as its oval shape and heavy use of glass which lets in the natural lights of the city. According to TEN ARQUITECTOS’ website, the building contains “a number of diverse functions: a parking garage; office space for media services, union relations and banking services; an employee cafeteria which can also be used for events, concerts and broadcasting; executive dining facilities; conference rooms; and recreational facilities.” The building has two superimposed forms, which each cut an independent figure that corresponds to the many different uses they have. It also has a broadcasting station connected to the building.

TEN ARQUITECTOS has contributed greatly to the growing diversity of building designs in Mexico. Some of their projects include the Aeropuerto de la Ciudad de Mexico, the Santander building in Mexico City, the Juzgados Oaxaca in Oaxaca de Juarez as well as other projects across the country and even in the Eastern United States from their New York branch.

Since Guillermo Gonzalez Camerena invented the color-wheel color television, Mexico has been a world leader in the field of multi-media communications. According to an analysis done by MarketLine, Televisa has “diversified media and entertainment, strong portfolios of Pay-TV networks, and a significant publishing business,” which has contributed to its success and standing as an industry leader amongst a wide array of competition.

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The eyes of the world were on Mexico when they became the first country in Latin America to host the Olympics in 1968. However, beneath the surface and attention of the five rings, a much larger crisis was shielded from the sight of the public. On October 2, 1968, just ten days prior to the opening ceremonies, somewhere between 300 and 400 people were murdered in a massacre against the young, peaceful protesters of Mexico City and the majority of those killed were never named, never identified and, according to some reports from the Mexican Government, never existed.

The late 1960s was a time of political and social tension, not only in the Americas, but the entire world. According to CIA documents released by the Freedom of Information Act in the late 1990s and early 2000s, the days and months prior to the attack, Mexican officials sought to end the unrest within society in preparation for the games. According to Document 70, the CIA Station in Mexico reported that peaceful protests were even stopped from happening and students were murdered without cause, stating, “a policeman pulled his pistol, evidently planning to fire over the students’ heads, but he did not raise the weapon high enough and shot and killed one student.” This is but one example of the back and forth between government entities and civilians. Even with the impending Olympics, the protesters and organizations claimed they were not using the Olympics as a way to disrupt, but rather criticized the $150 million investment, which would equal about $1 billion in today’s standards, that was being invested solely into the event rather than the struggling lower classes of Mexico.

In an interview with BBC from 2008, British journalist Robert Trevor gave his first-hand accounts to the events that transpired on that day. Trevor was in the crowd in hopes of getting a potential story in the works and said that about 3,000 people had gathered in the Plaza de las Tres Culturas. “The majority of these protesters throughout this era were educated college and high school students who sought to make a better Mexico for them and their children to grow up in. These protests never turned physical for the students. Trevor said that shots were fired from the surrounding rooftops of the apartment complexes covering all four sides of the plaza and then the whole area was swarmed with helicopters and gunships firing upon the crowd. Within the chaos and stampede, Trevor escaped to a hotel and filed his report of the events, which was published on the front page of the London Evening News. He wrote about how the police commissioner of Mexico City had held a press conference claiming that 25 people had been killed, including seven policemen. “I knew this wasn’t true because I had seen more people than that being shot,” Trevor said. Since that day, an official death toll has never been given. According to CIA Document 75 of the event, “twenty-four civilians dead, many of whom were students, and one hundred thirty-seven civilians wounded; eight soldiers.” However, according to many studies, somewhere between 300 and 400 civilians died in the events of that day. Declassified documents and research supports the idea that paramilitary forces were ordered to provoke the attack on students that day, even if it meant killing some of their own.

In the early 2000s, charges were placed upon the former president of Mexico Luis Echeverria for his role in the Tlatelolco Massacre as well as the Corpus Christi Massacre in Mexico City. Ultimately, due to the 30-year statute of limitations, the charges were dropped in 2006. No one has been held accountable for either massacres to this day. Mexico City citizens still hold a march throughout the city on the anniversary of the massacre every year.

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One of the most important Maya sites is Palenque. With its unique characteristics, it has kept some of the best quality bas reliefs in the whole Maya world, and with the work that Merle Greene Robertson accomplished, the almost four thousand stelas and bas reliefs are now documented. She worked for over four decades to accomplish the rubbings of all the bas reliefs and is an essential piece of why historians and archeologists can look back into the past with accurate details.

Robertson’s influence in the Maya world was very impactful. She led a series of Palenque Round Table conferences which began in December 1973, and convened for eight meetings, with the last one held in June 1993. These meetings were held to further the exploration of Palenque and the study of Maya literature. With these meetings, the Maya culture was laid out over a series of dates that depicted the secession of rulers and what happened during their period of rule. Throughout her sketches, she encountered many different depictions of life in Palenque that was discussed in detail when they attended these meetings to collaborate together to work out a common solution.

Robertson was very particular on how she did her sketches. She emphasized two things always, the original monument must not be blemished in any way and no pigment at all was be allowed to come in contact with the stone. The rubbing must be authentic; no embellishments, no 20th century additions or any process that would help the detail. Many of her sketches were the only real image of bas reliefs left due to graffiti and erosion. Over 2,000 pieces of these are located at Tulane University's Latin American Library in New Orleans and are the only way that historians can continue to peel back the layers of the very complex Maya culture and writing system.

In 1982, Robertson founded the Pre-Columbian Art Research Institute which conducts important research in Mesoamerican art, iconography, and epigraphy. They have also sponsored excavations in Palenque at the group cross project. In 1993, the Mexican government acknowledged Robertson's contributions to the study of Palenque with the honor of the Order of the Aztec Eagle, which is the highest medal a foreigner can achieve in Mexico. Similarly, in 2004, Robertson received the Orden del Pop Award from Guatemala's Museo Popol Vuh for her contributions to the study of cultural heritage through her documentation of Maya monuments and hieroglyphic writing.

On April 22, 2011 Merle Greene Robertson died at the age of 97 her contributions to the study of the Maya will never be forgotten. Her legacy of documentation of primary materials in the form of drawings, paintings, photographs, and rubbings is so important, and they will continue to be studied for as long as they exist.

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In the city of Merida their lies a hidden gem that contains beautiful artworks by a local painter. In the Government Palace, located in the central plaza, artist Fernando Castro Pacheco has painted thirty-one murals that gained him national notoriety and described, in his own unique way, through artistry the struggle that the Maya had to face throughout the Spanish inquisition and painted figures from Mexican independence as well as figures in the government.

Castro was born in Merida in 1918 and began his formal training at the Mérida Art College at an early age. In it, his talents were noticed. Only a couple of years later he helped in the establishment of the Free School of Plastic Arts in Yucatan. In 1943, Castro moved from his hometown of Merida to the Mexican capital to pursue more prestigious and international exhibits. He was appointed director of the Esmeralda Normal College of Painting and Sculpture after his exhibits had gained fame from across the art world. In 1973, he returned to Merida as an internationally known artist, this helped him in getting a project from the city to paint murals of important figures of Maya and Mexican history. After two years of painting Castro’s legacies were finished and were available for the public to observe.

When you first walk into the Palacio de Government, the first painting you see is the “Social Evolution of Man in Yucatan.” In this mural, he highlights the “Golden Age” of the Maya with representations of worshiping the gods and the construction of Maya temples, the scene continues to show Chilam Balam, who depicted the Spanish Inquisition that was yet to come. Other notable murals include "The Eternal Struggle of Mexico", "Mayan Cosmogony I, II and III", "The Suicide of Jacinto Canek", "The Triumph of the Republic" , "Sale of Indians" and "War of Breeds". In all of these murals you can identify certain elements that reflect Maya symbolism and social injustices such as indigenous oppression and enslavement during the henequen boom in the Yucatecan entity.

On August 8, 2013 Fernando Castro Pacheco died at the age of 95, leaving an artistic legacy in drawings, watercolors, oils and sculptures that continue to amaze people every day.

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The stadium’s construction first broke ground in 1962, and was finished in 1966, in preparation for the 1968 Olympics that were held in Mexico. The site cost 260 million pesos, and is the only stadium in the world to have hosted two FIFA World Cup finals in 1970 and 1986. The architects, Pedro Ramirez Vasquez and Rafael Mijares, visited some of the other great stadiums in the world to get an idea of how they wanted to make Mexico's home stadium rival all others. They took influences from Spanish, English, French, and Italian stadiums to make sure that Estadio Azteca would have a little piece of influence where soccer is most attended.

In 1970, Estadio Azteca had the honor of hosting the World Cup Final. However, the game that fans around the world will forever remember being held here was on June 17, when Italy and West Germany met in the semi-finals and had a record five goals in extra time. It is known to many people as the Game of the century. In this game, Franz Beckenbauer dislocated his shoulder and continued to play due to the substitution max that had been reached for the Germans. The Italians won in extra time but the legacy of the game lives on in the stadium.

In 1986, Estadio Azteca was also the site for two of the most famous goals in the history of soccer. Diego Maradona scored the Hand of God when the outside of his hand was used to score and he facetiously said, “A little with the head of Maradona and a little with the hand of God." And the Goal of the Century in which he dribbled past four English defenders to score an amazing goal that sent Argentina to the World Cup Final that they eventually won.

In modern times, the stadium is home to El Tri, the Mexican National team, and the local Mexico City team Club America. The Stadium regularly populates over 95,000 people and is used for multiple different events. The more famous events have been when the NFL established relations with Mexico to play games in Estadio Azteca and when the Pope visited in 1979. Both filled the stadium and drew crowds from all over the country. Modern changes have been made within the past couple of years including the addition of executive ground level suites, huge jumbotrons on both sides of the pitch, and a 30,000,000-euro hanging track camera that is able to cover every area of the field almost immediately.

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The lights begin to dim, silent whispers rumble through the excited crowd around me. Lights flood the stage, smoke quickly cascades and ripples through the space. Percussions and woodwinds creep in crescendo, calling to centuries of culture, transporting us through time and space. Individuals march in unison filling the stage, guided by the music. The formation breaks and the cloths, patterns, and beads begin to shake, the trail to Mexicanidad begins to take shape, inhabiting each dancer. Each becomes a guide, an invitation. Welcome to The Ballet Folklórico de Amalia Hernandez, a manifestation of Mexican pride, folklore, and transformations.

The Cold War significantly influence global changes and international relations. One of the most important aspects of México’s cultural influence, which focused on the diplomatic and commercial was Ballet Folklórico. Ballet Folklórico was a key part of México's strategy for national liberation since it fostered goodwill, helped the country dismantle its third world status, and supported the country's economic and social independence.

Analyzing how Amalia Hernández formed unique creative concepts and performances is crucial to comprehending Ballet Folklórico's influence. Waldeen Falkenstein and Miguel Covarrubias, her closest mentors, believed in transforming México’s arts into contemporary representations of Mexican culture and pride. Falkenstein and Covarrubias recognized and cultivated Hernández to develop her choreography skills. They encouraged her to learn about Mexican folk traditions in order to depart from it and create new art work, a contemporary interpretation of Mexican tradition. Amalia Hernández, on the other hand, approached modern art with the intention of incorporating folk traditions.

Although there were conflicts among Mexican artists over issues of nationalism and aesthetics, when they represented México abroad, they joined together as a unified force. Performances overseas featured modern and folk choreography, the latter garnering greater attention. During the 1940s, the Mexican President praised Amalia Hernández' Ballet Folklórico for exhibiting emblematic elements of Mexican national culture. By the 1950s, this creative divide had become known as the "cactus curtain," a metaphor for the "iron curtain”. Surpassing the divide, Amalia Hernández permanently altered Mexican identity, cultural growth, and political interpretations.

Ballet Folklórico became an internationally recognized form of ballet and a revolutionary representation of diverse regional Mexican elements. Through its choreography and artistic expressions, it revolutionized both classical ballet and the traditional folk arts. The Mexican National Institute of Fine Arts supplied auspices to Ballet Folklórico, which helped the Amalia Hernández dance company attain fame on a global scale. The Ballet Folklórico dance group had achieved success in numerous international dance competitions by the middle of the 1960s, contributing significantly to México’s cultural identity.

The Cold War was a time of conflict involving capitalism and communism, principally between the US and the Soviet Union, but it also affected nations that were not directly involved in those hostilities. Developing countries that were neutral in the Cold War conflict between the US and the Soviet Union were affected differently; they bore the burdens that came with being classified as Third-World countries. The developing nations, who were stigmatized as belonging to the Third World due in part to their neutral attitudes during the Cold War, redirected their attention to national liberation. Third World nation-states that had been colonized or remained under the control of imperialist powers banded together through resistance and self- determination movements.

Under the leadership of the Bandung Conference in 1955, emerging nations, including Mexico, formed non-alliance organizations to avoid being subjugated by the opposing sides of the Cold War. Sovereignty, territorial integrity, nation-to-nation equality, non-interference in internal affairs, and peaceful coexistence were the guiding themes of the Bandung Conference. Through his activities both before and after becoming President, Adolfo López Mateos echoed this movement.

Along with advancements to industrialization, agriculture, and health programs, he signed a labor agreement with the United States. The United States-México labor treaty was drafted with his help as labor minister before to becoming president of México, making him particularly well-liked at the time. President Mateos was also well recognized for advancing industrialization, agrarian reforms, and public health initiatives during his presidency.

President Mateos deserves a great deal of credit for establishing México as a sought-after player on the global stage during his administration. The Latin American policy put forth by President Franklin Delano Roosevelt in 1933 is a part of earlier international relations between the United States and México. The policy sought for amicable relations and a ban on armed intervention between the states of the Western Hemisphere. Although these previously established ties existed between México and the United States, the transnational mobilizations of the 1960s gave rise to a bilateral framework that included domestic and international developments in México.

While supporting México's new global position, President Kennedy aimed to stifle Mexican internationalism. This was because México's dependence on the United States was advantageous for the United States economically, strategically, and diplomatically. Independence shook this firm grasp and alliance the U.S. aimed to keep. In order to highlight México's potential for tourism marketing, President Kennedy's itinerary to México was infused with abundant cultural imagery. His visit provided México with the ideal chance to promote its meticulously constructed tourism industry, built on important folkloric-cosmopolitan imagery.

None other than the Ballet Folklorico performances by Amalia Hernández were on President Kennedy's agenda. Despite winning international competitions and gaining international recognition, the Mexican Ministry of Tourism prioritized strengthening Mexico-US cooperation. As a result, the Mexican tourism industry transformed from a beach destination to one ready to showcase the thriving fine arts scene filled with varied traditional and modern characteristics.

Amalia Hernandez created Ballet Folklórico out of her passion for Mexican culture, customs, and modern dance. Mexico needed a vehicle to promote its culture abroad if it was to break free from its dependence on the United States and overcome its political and economic constraints. The international triumph of Amalia Hérnandez was not the only thing that changed for her or the Mexican culture. A nationwide rebuilding of how Mexican citizens were exposed to their ancestors' cultural practices, took place. Innovative choreography by Amalia Hernandez interprets local, political, and interpersonal folklore. Likewise, Mexico improved its sense of national identity, fine arts, tourism industry, and political ties.

I would like to thank Professor Charles Heath II for his guidance and encouragement throughout this project, as well as Research Librarian Kristina Claunch for producing and sharing valuable research guides.

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The Latin American presence in the World’s Fairs evoked interest in international trade and commerce. Countries such as Cuba, Peru, and Venezuela participated as often as their political, social, and economic conditions allowed for it. Mexico’s participation in the World’s Fairs, had been prominent in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. “Latin American elite showed interest in the world’s fairs as early as 1851.”[1] (Schuster, 73). The world’s fairs had become a platform for the presidency of Mexican President Porfirio Díaz (1876-1911) to highlight Mexico’s advancement in industrialization and technology.

Pre-eminence at the World’s Cotton Centennial in New Orleans in 1884, the 1893 World’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago, and the 1891 Exposition in Portland, Oregon, allowed Mexico to foster a presence which came to be prolific, if not, expected. However, at the 1897 Tennessee Centennial and International Exposition, which was held in Nashville, Mexico’s “signature,” notably its Eighth Regiment Cavalry military band, was absent. “Desaparecido en acción,” loosely translated, means “missing in action” in Spanish. Mexico’s participation at the 1897 Tennessee Centennial and International Exposition was limited, at best. Known for its cultural richness and social diversity, the Tennessee Centennial and International Exposition in 1897, etched its place into history as one of the only profitable world’s fairs held in the United States. “Tennessee was a hundred years old on June 1, 1896, and for four years before that, Nashville citizens had tried to get the project in motion.” [2] Undermining its deeply invested heritage was a darker, hidden side of the world’s fairs, in which race, space, and place, were pivotal in the social and political order of the Tennessee Exposition’s success.

The World’s Fairs were places of cultural and social diversity. They were educational and expositional in nature. Countries from all over the world rushed to not only host World’s Fairs, but to participate in the fairs by sending their goods, highlighting their exports, and profiting from their ultimate aim to be global-minded. Yet, there was often a darker, hidden side of these expositions. Blacks, for example, were not given a place of honor at the World’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago in 1893. Africans, Asians, and Native Americans were put on display at the Exposition.

The Tennessee Centennial and International Exposition of 1897, was just one example of the burgeoning efforts to present the South as a society which overcame its notoriety as one which had succumbed to the “Lost Cause.” As diverse and culturally aware as the World’s Fairs organizers proposed to be, they were often extravagant events, where the race and ethnicities of attendees and participants were supposedly fluid, yet juxtaposed into adherent norms of the time. One of the Tennessee Centennial’s crowned accomplishments was that of the Negro Building. Built with a Spanish Renaissance style, organizers gathered some of the most well-known and influential African-Americans in the State of Tennessee to form a committee and discuss the content and theme of the Negro Building.

The Negro Building bridged the gap between African-American citizens of Tennessee and the paternalistic nature and goodwill of white organizers of the centennial celebration. (Cardon, 290). “Although the rhetoric surrounding the exhibits had a tinge of equality, the fairs' organizers in fact viewed the buildings as a way to demonstrate whites' guidance

of a supposedly childlike race.”[3] Race often played a factor in many of the displays and exhibits, and the overall organizational efforts of the World’s Fairs in southern states. The Jim Crow era was slowly emerging in the nation’s South in the late nineteenth-century, often at the bemoaning of African-Americans. “Jim Crow modernity was not a new idea—it was taking hold across the South—but at the expositions it was distilled into a consumable ideology.” [4] The ideology was laughable at times. “From Atlanta’s 1881 International Cotton Exposition to Nashville’s 1897 Tennessee Centennial and International Exposition, Southern aspirations built “solemn circuses.” [5]

Countries participated in the world’s fairs because the prospects of developing trade partnerships and access was crucial to economic growth. “Nations throughout Latin America both participated in and hosted a number of expositions in an effort to promote images of cultural modernity and industrial progress to international audiences.” [6] Latin American countries in general, and Mexico in particular, were no exception. Their governments clamored for a space at the table of the world’s fairs. Occupying a seat at the table presented by the world’s fairs was a transnational space with commercial and economic outcomes. Many of the world's fairs did not make a profit, although the Tennessee Centennial did. However, approximately forty-five world’s fairs were held in North America alone. (Goodstein, 132). The organizers of the Tennessee Centennial and International Exposition of 1897 were among those who knew that international trade was significant to the southern economy. “The 1893 fair launched a full-blown world’s fair movement in the United States. Following Chicago’s triumph, major international fairs were held in San Francisco (1894), Atlanta (1895), Nashville (1897), Omaha (1898), Buffalo (1901), St. Louis (1904), Portland (1905), Jamestown (1907), Seattle (1909), San Francisco (1915–16), and San Diego (1915–16).”[7]

The quest for a space in the movement, along with commercial aspirations, was at the forefront of Mexican policy and its participation in the world’s fairs. “Among the Latin American countries represented in the expositions, Mexico was the most important and consistent participant.” [8] Mexican President Porfirio Díaz had introduced a patriarchal view towards participation in world’s fairs by overseeing much of the exhibits which would be sent out. At the Tennessee Centennial, over sixteen nations had exhibits displayed throughout fairgrounds. “By 1889 Mexico had acquired some experience as a participant in world expositions, especially during the Porfirian peace.”[9] Porfirian peace was hard fought. “Following the disruptions of the Mexican war for independence, the disarray in the new country’s commercial system provided an opportunity for foreign merchants to become important elements at the fair.” [10]

Navigating space at the internationally diverse world’s fairs had to be strategic, not only physically, but politically. Mexico was economically recovering from its relatively recent war with the United States, which lasted from 1846-1848. Díaz knew that it was important for Mexico to recover its image on a global scale. Recent developments in Latin American countries saw many countries gaining their independence. Participation in world’s fairs fostered the opportunity for trade. “Held in every region in the country, the Tennessee Centennial was one of many fairs which were organized and served as powerful rationalizing forces in American life.” [11] The South, however, in its own paternalistic manner, felt that Latin American countries could take note on race relations, as they scrambled for economic recovery. “The Tennessee Centennial Exposition was similarly accused of being a segregated space.” [12] Interest in boosterism caused people like Clark Howell, who was interested in boosting the “New South,” felt that all of the Latin American countries, including Mexico, should overcome social and industrial woes that were pertinent to their independence. (Cardon, 87).

Mexico, which had enjoyed a relatively infamous reputation of its goodwill tours across the United States, with its Eighth Calvary Regiment Mexican band, and its experience at previous world’s fairs, was in a better space at the table of the world’s fairs than some of its Latin American counterparts. Historian Nathan Cardon, in A Dream of the Future: Race, Empire, and Modernity at the Atlanta and Nashville World's Fairs, posited that during the exposition in Atlanta, “the only official foreign building was the Mexico and Central America building.”[13] Of all of the buildings at the Tennessee Centennial Exposition, the Commerce building was the largest. (Cardon, p. 28). It housed the foreign exhibits. The Parthenon, a replica of the Greek Parthenon in Athens, was not only popular, but it is also the only remnant of the 1897 Tennessee Centennial which still stands today.

The Tennessee Centennial organizers repeatedly touted its exposition as the place to be from May 1, 1897 to October 30, 1897. With its fantastic light display and its advertisements about President William McKinley starting the celebration with a push of a button from the White House, the Tennessee Centennial planners mustered all of the pride and dignity it could to present its world’s fair as a place of modernity and progress. It was a site where a place could be reserved for innovation and technological advancement. Mexico was no different. Its government wanted to show the world that it had recovered from instability and was on the verge of a political and economic upswing. The world’s fairs provided the place to do just that.

Mexico’s presence at the Paris Exposition in 1889, for example, drew praise and criticism. Its Mexican pavilion was a display of an Aztec inspired building of which Mexican and European critics thought was too exotic. (Schuster, 83). The image of Mexico was important to President Díaz and its rightful place should be shrouded in cohesive nationalism. “Instead of propagating ‘whitening through immigration,’ as Brazil did at the world’s fairs, the Mexican exhibition organizers emphasized the importance of education.” [14] International audiences were the focus of many of the Latin American countries who had the opportunities to participate in world’s fairs. (Munro, 83). The ministry of Economic Development was responsible for the displays at the 1897 Tennessee Centennial in Nashville. (Tenorio-Trillo, 186).

Although Mexico had a building, its governmental officials did not curate the displays in the place that it was given. The University of Chicago’s Department of Anthropology ‘s Frederick Starr was responsible for that duty. (Cardon, 90). Among the artifacts were pottery and weapons which were touted as authentic Aztec weaponry, but according to G. P. Thruston, whose invaluable eyewitness to the items on display in the History Department’s building, stated in 1898, “Prof. Frederick Starr, of the University of Chicago, lent a case of rare terra cotta heads and objects of interest, discovered by him during his recent explorations in Mexico.” [15] Starr added his own personal items to the Mexican artifacts on display. The place of standard and control over its own exhibits, which Mexico maintained at previous world’s fairs, was non-existent at the 1897 Tennessee Centennial Exposition.

In conclusion, at the 1897 Tennessee Centennial and International Exposition, race, space, and place were viable characteristics of the events at its world’s fair. Mexico at the 1897 world’s fair in Nashville, Tennessee, was without its famous Eighth Cavalry Regiment band, there was no appearance by its President Porfirio Díaz, and there were no shouts of “Viva La Mexico!” Though Mexico did not represent with its normal fan-fare and notoriety, as it did at the Atlanta Cotton States Exposition in 1895, a few exhibits of pottery, “Aztec weapons,” and Mexican dancing girls on display at the Cuban Village, were all that was to be remembered of the Mexican presence at the Tennessee Centennial and International Exposition in 1897.

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The Grand Mayan World Museum which was designed by architects, Josefina Rivas Acevedo, Enrique Duarte Aznar, Ricardo Combaluzier Medina, and William Ramirez Pizarro was built in 2012. This museum occupies about two hectares of an estate, which lies on the sides of XXI Century Convention Center and Paseo Montejo Prolongacion avenue North of Merida. The architecture of this building resembles the Ceiba or Ya’axche tree which unites the three levels, which are the sky, earth, and underworld of the Mayan Universe. The Maya pictured the tree branches supporting the sky and the roots infiltrating the underworld but in their mythology it was also connected to fertility and cosmic stability which is why the architects integrated the Ceiba tree of Mayan world into the halls, gardens, exhibition halls, and patios.

Bringing together the past and the present in techniques was a key point in the architectures goal for this building. The sliding cramp, which was a necessary tool to create the geometric figure and limestone or sahkab which was used in the Pre-Hispanic times were brought together as one to imitate the Ceiba tree of the Mayan Universe. The museum has four exhibition hall collections that include anthropology, archaeology, ethnography, and history/customs of the Yucatan Mayan civilization. The exterior of the museum is decorated by an installation made by the French artist Xavier de Richmond which includes 5 acts and 34 images that were inspired by Mayan culture and traditions. It is displayed on the outside walls of the building that also include light, color, and music making it different every minute. Within the museum it exhibits what the Mayans worshiped instead of what they built especially the Ceiba tree which appears more than once throughout the museum.

Exhibiting over 1,200 pieces in the museum it allows people to enjoy various aspect of Mayan life. The Chicxulub Aerolito room presents the last extinction which occurred during the Mesoamerica era. This extinction happened over 65 million years ago and is said to have happened by an asteroid about 10 kilometers in diameter falling in Yucatan. The evidence is located in the crater of Chicxulub and this exhibition allows you to learn about the history of life. Room 1 contains pieces of the Mayab Nature and Culture, the Mayab is located on the peninsular flat region with subterranean fresh water and very little soil. This region is home to mangroves, jungles, swamps and savannahs. After three thousand years of occupation they left a mark on the region with the help of agriculture. Room 2 is Mayas de Hoy which translates to The Mayas of today. The Mayas were diverse in many ways but were related culturally, physically, linguistically yet a single form of Mayas did not exist. Each having their own dialect and adapting to practicing their ancestors customs in their own way. Room 3 is Mayas of Yesterday which exhibits the conquest and transformation of the Mayan culture. Cities were destroyed and abandoned because the Indians had to undergo the demands of the Spaniards. The Last room is Ancient Mayas, which offers the history of the ancient Maya and elaborates on a lesson that although they connected with diverse environments they still knew how to improve their quality of life and expand their culture without destroying it.

The Mayas faced natural disasters, oppression, and overcrowding but they still managed to maintain their traditions by strengthening their family ties. And, this museum offers an insight into the Mayan universe that to this day has left an impact.

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San Lorenzo Zinacantan is a municipality in the southern part of Chiapas, Mexico. The population consist of Tzotzil Maya who have ties to other highland Maya people. The name Zinacantan means “land of the bats” which comes from the Nahuatl language and the locals call themselves “Sots’leb”. The people who now reside here migrated from Guatemala around 1000-1500 BCE. Zinacantan held the monopoly for salt and harvested Quetzalcoatl feathers that mirrored corn and the feathered serpent. Salt, cacao, and coffee were mainly traded with the Aztec traders. In 1524 the Franciscans arrived and imposed Catholicism but within time both the Mayan culture and the Catholic culture emerged as one. The Mexican Revolution of 1911 ended serfdom of the Tzotzil people but many still worked in horrible conditions until the 1930’s. During the 1950’s the Federal Insituto Nacional Indigenista try to address the “Indian problem” thus, creating schools clinics, roads and agricultural programs to civilize/modernize the Indians. On January 1, 1994 NAFTA went into effect which called to an end the ejido system but the Tzotzil people had enough of it and took over San Cristobal De Las Casa and demanded an arrangement with the government. With the help of the internet light was shed on the inequality, suffering, neglect of the indigenous people.

Zinacantan has absolutely beautiful textiles. According to, Ms. Juana when girls turn 5 years old they are taught to make tortillas, wash and do chores around the house. When they turn 10 years old they begin to learn how to do embroidery, and at age 12 they make the textiles on their own and begin to sell them around the streets as a source of income to the household. Making handmade textiles ranges from 3 days to 6 months depending on the type of textile you special order. Many of the women in Zinacantan that do embroidery use the flower in their textile. The type of textile could be as simple as a solid color to a sparkly one with many colors. A lot of the textiles are now stitched on by the machine but many of the women do it traditional style, which is by hand and of course the prices on the textile will differ depending on how it was made. During 1983 and 1989 it was heard that indigenous women would pray to their gods to help them in their work. When the girls would ask the moon virgin for help with their weaving, their designs would reflect the ideas of the gods. Women worked together to increase production of their textiles and they proudly defended their roles as campesinas, mothers, shamans, and weavers. Before the business industry was developed the only source of income for the women was to sell their textiles to tourist but this did not guarantee their pay. As soon as they began to expand their work into the capitalist sector they would receive immediate pay.

The books from the Tzotzil people that survived from that time were burned by the Catholic officials in the mid-seventeenth century. Today 90% of the population is illiterate, mostly women. Less than ½ of the public school teachers speak Spanish and hardly no Tzotzil speaker has a university education. Contrary to what the government says bilingual education is non-existent. Every town has its distinctive dialect and Sna Jtz’ibajom, which was found in 1983, is house of the write which has taught men, women and children how to read and write in their native dialect. Approximately more than two thousand people have learned from there which brings up the next source of learning Tzotzil literacy, by the Protestant missionaries who also teach the native tongue. Language is their main source of identity therefore the Empowerment of Maya Women, tend to focus more on urban women and children who may be losing their ethnic identity.

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The Zocalo has served as the historical, cultural, and ceremonial center to the past and present occupants of Mexico City. It is the main square of the entire city and the center which is next to major sites like the Government Palace, the Federal District buildings, and the Catedral Metropolitana de la Asunción de la Santísima Virgen María a los cielos, the largest cathedral in the Americas. Not only used as ceremonial center, the Zocalo also served as a center of trade and commerce because of its location in regards to the major roads that met there in and its quantity of free space. It is located only a block away from the ruins of Templo Mayor, which to the people of Tenochtitlan were the center of the entire universe, and was the central location of the entire city pre-colonialism.

The word “zocalo” is derived from “plinth” which is a heavy base that usually supports a column. This specific plinth in the square was never built upon, but the locals of Mexico City had already begun to refer to the main square as “zocalo” which subsequently lead to the term “zocalo” being widely used throughout Mexico to describe the main squares in cities. The Zocalo’s formal name is “Plaza de la Constitucion,” named after the Cadiz Constitution of 1812.

Because of the conquest in the early 16th century, the original plaza was in shambles. Antonio Rubial Garcia says “After the violent conquest of the city, and the semi-destroyed temples and palaces, the new political center began to be built. The indigenous sacred space was covered little by little while the greater place of the Spanish city was armed in the esplanade that extended between the old palaces of the Mexican kings.” Since these occurrences, the Zocalo became the absolute center and the paradigm of which other cities in the country would design their city centers.

The Zocalo has had many different looks during its existence. As of today, the Zocalo is one of the largest plazas in the world with 57,600 square feet void of any statues or monuments. The only structure today on the Zocalo is the flag of Mexico at its center. In November of 2015, Mexico City Mayor Miguel Angel Mancera Espinosa announced a plan to renovate the Zocalo to allow for more space and to salvage the historical area from diminishing. In a report by Infrastructure Mexico, it is stated the purpose was to “revive the historical center” and “prioritize the mobility of pedestrians and cyclists, restrict vehicular circulation in its immediate surroundings and renovate the access points to the metro Line 2.” The project was completed in 2017 to give the Zocalo its modern look after an estimated $300 million USD was poured into the restorations of the square and some surrounding historical structures. The Zocalo’s rich history of events such as the Independence Day celebrations, government protests, and even its use as a concert venue has put it on the map as one of the most historical locations in Mexico.

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In the Castle of Chapultepec, Mexico City, the mural “From the Porfirianism to the Revolution,” by David Alfaro Siqueiros, narrates a pivotal moment in Mexican history. Covering 4,500 square foot, the painting fascinates the visitor with the story of the first Mexican strike in Cananea that represented an epical fight between capitalism and revolutionary socialism. Siqueiros, who painted the mural between 1957 and 1966, was incarcerated from 1960 to 1964 for expressing political dissent.

In 1906, Cananea was a Mexican village of 23,000 people in the present-day state of Sonora, Mexico, near the border to Arizona. Lumber trading and copper mines were the primary industries of the area. The population consisted of about 7,000 Americans, 5,000 Chinese, and 11,000 Mexicans attracted to the area by job opportunities. An American enterprise, the Greene Consolidate Copper Company, employed the largest part of Cananea’s population. Described by Charles Leland Sonnichsen in “Instant Millionaire” as a man whose career “was unique in the annals of the West” and who had the “ability to charm Mexican officials all the way up to President Porfirio Diaz himself,” William Cornell Greene envisioned a capitalistic venture capable of transforming Northern Mexico into a flourishing market, in line with Diaz’s political agenda (Sonnichsen C. L., Instant Millionaire, The American West, Nov. 1981, vol. VIII, No. 6, pages 4-9). The rising discontent among Mexican laborers in Cananea seized on the inequality in wages and amount of working hours among workers of diverse nationality. In particular Mexicans complained about working longer shifts for lower wages than the American laborers. On May 31, 1906, the company entitled the foremen to deal with their teams’ members, fire them, or ask for prolonged shifts. This sounded to the laborers as an implicit authorization to continue and aggravate the exploitation. The laborers reacted asking a reduction of the working hours, an increase of minimal wage, and a reduction of 25% the number of foreigner workers. On June 2, 1906, after Greene's denial of discussing the issue, the miners went on an initially peaceful strike. When Greene persisted in his refusal of a dialogue, the riots started. From Naco, Arizona, unauthorized Arizona Rangers responded to Greene’s request for support, crossing the border to help the American citizens and defend their properties. On June 3, after New York Times’ denounce of the lack of authorization from the Arizona governor, the Military Secretary Office in Washington blocked a squadron of cavalry ready to reach Cananea from Huachuca, Arizona, and declared that the Rangers’ participation was voluntary. The repression of the strike by the Mexican troops resulted in eleven Mexicans and two Americans dead, several injured, and many to run away in fear of a violent repression. The Cananea strike is considered the cradle of the Mexican Revolution.

The explosion of colors in the Siqueiros' mural exalts the physical and spiritual dimension of the protagonists. Two groups converge: The Mexican Rural Guard, joined by the Rangers, on one side, and the Mexican laborers on the opposite side. The Rangers are painted with no face, as to deny their role in the events and claim the strike to be a Mexican-only affair. One of the Union’s leaders, Calderón, and Greene fight for the possession of the Mexican flag; A man dramatically holds in his arms a dead companion. Among the strikers, Marx, the ideological father of the revolution, is represented holding his book, the “Capital.” On the left wall, the revolutionary army and its leaders face a severe Porfirio Diaz that is painted on the opposite wall surrounded by his counselors, stepping on the Mexican Constitution. Finally, a horse is represented in the sudden arrest of its run, as a symbol of the Mexican Revolution’s end. The dynamic pose of the horse and its rider contrasts the stillness of the dead bodies of Mexican revolutionary and the stoned face of a Porfirio Diaz unable to control the Country.

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The Sak Nuk Naah, or “White Skin House,” in Palenque, is built on an artificial terrace that is part of the Palace complex. The Palace represented both a residential place, as documented by the discovery of tools of everyday life, and a political and administrative center. According to Simon Martin and Nikolai Grube’s "Chronicle of the Maya Kings and Queens: Deciphering the Dynasties of the Ancient Maya," the White House was built in 654 C.E., during the Late Classic, under the rule of Pakal I the Great from 615 to 683 C.E. (Martin and Grube, 162). The house is also named House E by archeologists. Although not different from traditional domestic buildings, it was the place where the ceremony of accession to the throne took place and, probably, where the Council House met. The main room opened in three large doorways to the Western side of the Towers Court and contained a stone functioning as a throne. The throne was decorated with a low-relief sculpted oval tablet representing Pakal I receiving the crown from his mother, Lady Sak K’uk’, successfully empowering him in spite of his non-royal descent.

The status of conservation of the structuire is poor; the wall paintings are almost vanished, and large patches of plaster are missing. The house was named “White Skin” because the stucco was uniformly white, a characteristic that is unusual in Maya art being red the traditional background color for architectural structures and low and high reliefs. Immediately under the roof line, a decorative motif continously repeats in a geometric pattern (see picture 2). On the walls, figures of different nature are arranged in vertical rows. Commonly interpreted as flowers, there are at least two still visible images that challenge this hypothesis: A well-defined figure of an animal (see picture 3), probably a bird, and a repeated decoration containing a single, well identifiable eye in the center (see pictures 4 and 5), possibly representing an insect. Although the arrangement of the figures in decorative frets allows speculating that they functioned as a delimitation of larger areas possibly decorated with scenes of warriors, gods, or rulers, there is evidence that the painting of isolated motifs was not unusual in Palenque.

When painting, the Maya obtained a smooth surface with a plaster of powdered limestone. It is debated if the drawings in Palenque were made on a dampened stucco (“fresco” technique) or the plaster was completely dried before tracing the images. The choice of the colors was probably an expression of the personality of the painter, but according to Diego De Landa’s "Relación de las Cosas de Yucatán" the use of color was correlated to the cardinal points. The color white, represented the North, black the West, yellow the South, and red the East (De Landa, 13). In Palenque, the color palette is particularly rich, including orange, purple, and green-blue that were obtained applying different colors on top of the others. The pigments derived from plants and minerals, with the rare “Maya blue” being a mixture of vegetable substances and white clay. Natural elements were added to the pigments for densification and stabilization with the purpose of improving the adherence to the support. The outlining of the images with a black line exalted the final result. Each time the decoration became obsolete, a new, thin layer of white stucco provided unlimited possibilities to new artistic expressions. The practice helped to preserve the oldest paintings. In fact, some of the images still visible on the facade of the White House emerge from the effacing effect of time on the subsequent layers of stucco that the Maya added for renewing the decoration.

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The Paseo de Montejo, considered the “Champs Elysee" of the city of Mérida, features two almost identical French-styled houses that locals and tourists alike find fascinating. Built by Camilo and Ernesto Cámara Zavala, "Las Casas Gemelas" (The Twin Houses) were inaugurated on December 24, 1911. The family built its wealth on henequen and was one of the five richest families in town. Camilo and Ernesto commissioned the plans for the buildings to architect Gustave Umbdenstock, a professor at the École Polytechnique and director of Paris' 'École des Beaux-Arts. Mérida’s bourgeoisie adopted the Beaux-Arts style to display their power and wealth. Local engineer Manuel Cantón Ramos built the houses. Upon closer inspection, the houses are not identical. The southern house has a third floor, a French roof, windows coherent in style, and a front door covered by a curved wrought iron canopy. The northern house contains Spanish architectural elements, such as a terraced top and windows with decorated blinds.

The Barbachano and Molina Méndez families owned the two houses. Each family played a prominent role in Mérida's high society during the Porfiriato (1874-1910). In Barbarous Mexico (1910), journalist John Kenneth Turner described his encounter with a leading henequen empressario. The man wore a white diamond ring and laughed when describing the brutal measures used to control the Maya, Korean, and Yaqui workers, saying they "demand it."

The Barbachano and Molina Méndez families continue to accumulate wealth on the back of indigenous labor. The Barbachanos own several hotels and tourist facilities, and the Molina Méndez hold a cruise ship concession. During the Porfiriato, artists, poets, and writers held lively cultural events at the Barbachano house. In the twentieth century, the Barbachanos hosted such luminaries as Princecess Grace and Prince Ranieri of Monaco, as well as first lady of the U.S., Jacqueline Kennedy. 

Today, the northern house remains the Molina family’s primary residence. Since October 18, 1982, the Mérida historic center is protected by strict preservation laws that limit useage and modification of the homes. In a 2014 interview with a local newspaper, Maruja Barbachano Herrero proposed the possible donation of her property to the city so that it might be opened to the public. Ideally, the house could serve as a museum of the Porfiriato in Mérida, a crucial era in the city's history, but one that demands attention. As pf June 2016, however, no steps have been taken toward the transfer of the property.

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North of the main plaza of Izamal is the temple of Kinich Kakmó, an artifical limestone pyramid in the Yucatan dedicated to one of the area's most important and notable deities of the same name. Kinich Kakmó, which is Mayan for "the fire macaw with the sun face", is a solar deity which was said to bring about scorching heat and drought. There are glyphic references to Kinich Kakmó and other variations of the deity in Mayan codices like the Dresden Codex, which sought to document and give ethnographic accounts of indigenous Mayan society. It is possible that Kinich Kakmó and a variation called Kinich Ahau were seen as the same solar deity but in different forms, macaw and human respectively (One possible translation of Kinich Ahau is "face of the sun"). Although there are documents and codices that acknowledged Kinich Kakmó, conceptualizing or understanding the solar deity's role in the Mayan pantheon of gods can be confusing because there is never a consistent identity or physical manifestation of the gods. Besides Kinich Kakmó's identity as a solar deity, he can be seen as a multipurpose deity who would receive sacrificial offerings for a variety of different reasons. However, sacrificial offerings for Kinich Kakmó would be offered during the scorching heat because the sun was seen as a natural manifestation of the same god.

The temple of Kinich Kakmó today is partially underground and overgrown by grass and flowers. The entirety of the temple has a volume of approximately 700,000 cubic meters. It was erected anywhere between 400 - 600 CE, which places it right during the Mayan classic period. It was during this period that the Maya, especially in the Yucatan, heavily urbanized. The temple was a site of daily sacrifice to Kinich Kakmó, who was said to descend upon the temple in the form of a macaw to pick up the offerings. The temple is constructed out of massive stones, the biggest of which make up the corners and the steep staircase leading to the top. Although the temple's basic foundation has managed to stay well-preserved, originally there would have been a bright coat of stucco decorating the entire pyramid. Today, the temple only appears as an artificial limestone pyramid, decorated in dirt and foliage rather than stucco. The temple follows one Mayan architectural tradition, which is that it was probably built on top of an older pyramid or structure. It is also unclear whether the base of the pyramid was intentionally left underground, or if this was a natural development like the overgrowth that the structure later experienced.

Izamal before the Spanish conquest was probably one of the biggest Mayan urban centers in the northern Yucatan. Today, evidence of five major temples can still be seen in Izamal. The city today has been given the name "city of hills", which is in reference to the temples resembling artificial mountains. Although some of the important pre-Columbian monuments of Izamal were destroyed or occupied by Spaniards, The temple of Kinich Kakmó still stands unperturbed by anything except for weathering.

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Amaranth (Amaranthus palmeri) is an edible flowering weed that can be cultivated as a leaf vegetable and as a pseudocereal. Unlike true cereals, which are identified by botanists as a flowering grass, pseudocereals are typically a grain which can be ground up into wheat and utilized in the same ways as true cereals. In Tenochtitlan (modern-day Mexico City), amaranth was part of the quintessential diet and held symbolic and political power in addition to its nutritional use. In recent times, amaranth had been widely disregarded as a viable food option until the 1970s, when nutritionists found that the seeds could be cultivated as a pseudocereal which was high in protein, fiber, and could be used as a gluten-free substitute in confections and flour.

Archaeologists have identified amaranth as the oldest cultivated crop in the Americas, with evidence of its cultivation dating back to around 4000 BCE in Tehuacán archaeological digs. Bernardino de Sahagun’s Florentine Codex offers one of the first European ethnographies of the Americas, and illustrates amaranth being harvested and threshed for its grains in Aztec society. In urban centers like Tenochtitlan, amaranth was abundantly harvested in garden patches called milpas that were constructed from woven baskets and placed in a freshwater lake The seeds of the harvested amaranth plant would then be sent in clay pottery for tribute payment to the religious and governmental centers of the city, along with tributes such as corn, cacao, and quetzal bird feathers.

Amaranth also served an important role in religious offerings and foods for spiritual celebrations. Amaranth was known as huauhtli in the Nahuatl-speaking areas of Mesoamerica, and would be crafted into confections called zoale or popped like popcorn over a fire and stuck together with bees honey or agave nectar. When made into a confection, the zoale would be made to resemble Chicomecóatl, the Aztec maize goddess of sustenance and fertility. During feast days, sacrificial bloodletting was an important step in creating this sacred food, primarily because blood would occasionally be used as an ingredient. Amaranth greens would also be harvested for use in tamales. Sahagun’s Florentine Codex illustrates a feast day where tamales of maize are wrapped in the greens of the amaranth plant.

Amaranth’s resurgence as a food was due not only to its nutritional value, but also to its accessibility. Experts on food availability and nutrition argue that amaranth can be used to help fight world hunger and combat malnutrition. It is currently harvested for its greens in areas of Africa and Asia, and the cereals have been cultivated more actively by farmers in areas of Mexico such as Oaxaca. The weed is also semi-drought resistant, and offers many of the daily needed vitamins and minerals. Amaranth's wide variety of uses throughout time and in different parts of the world makes a case for its usefulness as a modern superfood. Although used in a religious context by the Aztecs, it is now a globally growing commodity that has great nutritional value. Its use, either as a cereal grain or as a vegetable, can be utilized by areas wrought with food shortage as a sustainable crop that can also combat malnutrition. Its use has seen a revival, and its history as a crop has one of the longest-lasting legacies on earth.

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Pulque is a mildly alcoholic beverage made from agave sap, which is then fermented until it acquires a certain level of viscosity. The tradition of making pulque is a millennia-old cultural phenomenon in Mexico. Initially, it was a religious drink in pre-Columbian Mesoamerican civilizations, but its consumption is now an attraction for tourists as well as a healthy, high-protein alternative to beer. Pulquerias in Mexico function just like normal bars, but tend to only serve pulque (and occasionally other agave-based beverages like tequila and mezcal) in a wide variety of flavors. In the early twentieth century, Mexico City alone was home to over a thousand pulquerias. Since then, pulque has decreased in popularity significantly due to competition from beer manufacturers, who would advertise smear campaigns against the drink claiming that one of the ingredients for the beverage was cow excrement. Only a dozen or so notable pulquerias exist in Mexico City currently, but the continuation of the pulque tradition is making a comeback among the Mexican youth.

La Nuclear Pulqueria is one pulqueria in Mexico City that has urbanized while still staying true to its roots. Murals depicting a cultural history of pulque can be found on most of the interior walls. Artist renditions of the Aztec deity of agave, Mayahuel, show the "pulque goddess" inside of an agave plant naked. Another mural depicts the Virgin of Guadalupe alongside drinking monks. Although not explicitly religious, La Nuclear Pulqueria illustrates many spiritual themes that are noticeably a part of Mexican culture. Pulque itself is no exception to the culture illustrated inside; another mural depicts the age-old practice of sucking the sap from the blue agave plant, the first step to making pulque after harvesting the agave plant.

Although pulque itself spawns from a pre-Columbian Mesoamerican tradition, pulquerias did not exist until after the Spanish conquest. What is today Mexico City was the biggest project for the Spaniards in terms of development and infrastructure. Many aspects of life were permanently changed for the indigenous, and urbanization was quick to follow the fall of the Aztec capital city of Tenochtitlan. By the sixteenth century, there were around thirty different stands or taverns dedicated to selling pulque. As opposed to the Aztec tradition of drinking pulque for religious reasons (which was only granted to the elites and to priests), the introduction of the pulqueria saw an increase in everyday consumption from all social classes. However, the Roman Catholic Church and the elite ruling class of Spaniards saw the presence of pulquerias as degeneracy and a threat to the social order of the country. This was mainly because pulquerias were considered to be hotspots for sexually promiscuous behavior and drunkenness, which were antithetical to societal progress as seen by the church.

Following Mexico's independence from Spain in the early 19th century, the popularity of pulquerias skyrocketed, primarily in Mexico City and other urban areas. By the early 20th century, Mexico City was host to over a thousand pulquerias. The aesthetic qualities of pulquerias now were derived from this era. Although the Roman Catholic Church historically expressed dismay towards pulquerias, the embracement of Mexican culture brought about symbolic imagery relating not only to Catholicism (like the Virgin of Guadalupe, which can be found in most pulquerias today), but to Aztec religions as well. This is best illustrated by the aforementioned La Nuclear Pulqueria, which can still be visited today in Mexico City.

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Hernán Cortés often gets all the credit for the fall of the Aztec Empire. However, it’s important to remember those closest to Cortés as he gained his glory; He heavily relied on men to fight for him and Malintzin, a woman, to speak for him. In many of Cortés’s letters he calls Malintzin, “la Lengua,” or the tongue. Cortés’s nickname for Malintzin labels her role as his translator (Díaz del Castillo). Malintzin was a significant woman figure in Mesoamerica during the Spanish Conquest in 1519 and without her Cortés may not have succeeded in taking down the city of Cholula and the Tenochtitlan.

Today there is a division in how México depicts Malintzin’s role in the Spanish Conquest in 1519. She was either the woman who betrayed her people or the fantastic lover of Cortés. Such myths stem from the fact that Malintzin holds an egregious reputation among modern México. The myths stem from misconceptions of Mesoamerican unity at the time of the Conquest and how much freewill Malintzin had while with Cortés.

Malintzin was not bound to a nationality or large entity. “At this time in Mesoamerica, the indigenous had no sense of themselves as “Indians” united in a common cause against Europeans” (Rethinking Malinche 312). So, when Malintzin “was given to Cortez [to be his slave], she had no one to turn to, nowhere to glee, [and] no one to betray. She was not Aztec, not Maya, or any other native,” (Rethinking Malinche 311). While she was among the Spanish, she remained as an outsider. Malintzin was not betraying her indigenous peoples, nor was fully accepted by the Spanish.

Malintzin’s life was not a love story, nor was she a person blind with ambition (Rethinking Malinche 312). Rather, “it is the record of a gifted woman in impossible circumstances carving out survival one day at a time” (Rethinking Malinche 312). It is in the secondary accounts of Malintzin’s life that show how she was abused.

According to Bernal Dias del Castillo, close companion to Cortés, Malintzin was from a noble family from Paynala, or Coatzacoalcos, México (Colliding worlds 55). Malintzin was educated, and her status did not protect her from being treated like an object or “disposable property” (Rethinking Malinche 298, 301). After the death of Malintzin’s father and her mother’s new betrothal, she was gifted to a man as a slave. In 1519, Malintzin was gifted to someone again—to Cortés. Some consider Malintzin to be this great lover of Cortés because she bore two him two children. However, it’s important to remember Malintzin had to distinguished herself from twenty other captives that were given to Cortés from Tabasco. Chontal Mayas (Rethinking Malinche 301). She had to distinguish herself in order to gain favor so could protect herself. Malintzin’s linguistic versatility helped her achieve protection.

Malintzin had a gift for learning languages. Her native tongue was Nahuatl, but she learned Maya and Spanish. Like Cortés, she too entered cities she did not know and heard strange languages. When she did not speak the indigenous languages, she had enough local knowledge to ask for help. For instance, when Cortés was in the Totonac’s territory, she knew that the Totonacs paid tribute to Montezuma. The resourceful action she took was to ask for a Nahuatl interpreter. At times, “Cortés was forced to rely on a chain of translators, which included Malintzin” (Colliding worlds 56). Malintzin quickly became an asset to Cortés during the conquest. Her role as a translator allowed Cortés to obtain safe passage and allowed him to network.

A part of Cortés’s success resulted from Malintzin’s skill in language. After all, Malintzin lead the expedition that conquered Tenochtitlan (Scully). Malintzin was able to maneuver in diverse societies. Along the way, she once again distinguished herself with how she was able to maintain respect to the royalty; her upbringing in a noble family taught her tecpillahtolli, a form of lordly speech. In tecpillahtolli, it is respectful for one’s body language to show the opposite of what one means (Rethinking Malinche 301). The grammar was extremely elaborate (Rethinking Malinche 301). This high language was used when Malintzin spoke on behalf of Cortés to the royal chiefs. She is the one who helped Cortés engaged with King Montezuma in Cholula. Cortés tried to manipulate natives, through tricks or sweet talking them. Likewise, the native tried to do the same. According to Bernal Dias, it was Malintzin that prevented Cortés from being schemed against (Rethinking Malinche).

Bernal Dias reflective says, that “without the help of Doña Marina [also known as Malintzin] we could not have understood the language of New Spain and México.” Though Malintzin was in the shadow of Cortés, she was one of his greatest resources during the Spanish Conquest.

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In 1485, Hernán Cortés was born in the small town of Medellín, Spain. He pursued law for a time until he became interested in colonization. One of his first experiences with colonization came when he embarked for Hispaniola in 1504.

In 1511, Cortés had another expedition where he was approved and provided twelve ships by Diego Velázques. It is unknown what happened, but Velázques desired his money back. Instead of returning the ships Cortés left for the New World and broke the law. Cortés wasn’t supposed to step foot in Mesoamerica. Nevertheless, he made his way inland with his mind set on conquest. He’s goal was to see that the city of Tenochtitlan, the capital of the Aztec Empire, fell.

A conquest can be defined as the process of forcefully and violently taking something from other people. The Mesoamerican world Cortés entered were diverse, and the tributary chiefdoms practiced small-scale conquests because they were warring states. The Azteca Empire was the most warlike society during the 1500’s. The empire rivaled that of the Tlaxcala and the Tarascan states.

Comparatively, Cortés had 400 unskilled merchants and 16 horses under his belt. The resources he had was not enough to combat the natives of Mesoamerica. Cortés knew this, and he acquired aid from three key sources: Geronimo de Aguilar, Malintzin, and warriors from Tlaxcaltec and Cempoala. Aguilar and Malintzin were able to help Cortés with language barriers and supply knowledge of the region, while the warriors were the manpower with insider information on the Aztec Empire. The reason Cortés was able to overcome all of his daunting circumstances was that of technological and biological.

There were technological differences between the Spanish and the indigenous population. The differences in technology created a gap in warfare, which gave Cortés an edge. The Spanish used metal weapons, such as guns and swords, and had horses. Mesoamerica was advanced; however, metallurgy was not developed for war. Alloys, such as copper-silver, copper-arsenic, copper-tin, were used as utilitarian objects, individual objects designed for dress, and ritual objects. These metal items were either considered sacred or symbolic. Mesoamerican warriors had not used metal used in war amongst themselves, so they did not have metal weapons to use against their newest enemy. As for horses, Mesoamerica simply were not equestrians, because the continent’s horses fell into extinction during the last ice age.

Unfortunately, the indigenous peoples were at a disadvantage biologically too. Corte’s small band of merchantmen had the advantage of having a better immune system to diseases, like smallpox, that was transferred from the Old World to the New World. For the Spanish, this was a convenience and an unintentional advantage. The effect of this biological difference can be seen in the decreased number of indigenous people fighting once exposed to smallpox and other foreign ailments. The foreign germs devastated their immune systems because they did not have enough time to build up a natural antibody. The indigenous heath situation was much worse than those of Cortés’s men because Cortés’s men can recover faster and easier.

Despite these disadvantages pitted against the Aztec and many other tribal states, it is incredible how the Aztec were so resilient and fortified. In John E. Kicza’s book, The Spanish Conquest, Cortés and his men tore down bridges as the city experienced “disease and shortages of food and water, [yet] the defends of Tenochtitlan held out resolutely.” They were militarily able to hold Cortés off for two years. What is more astonishing is that the Spaniard’s first attempt to was a failure (Kicza).

When Cortés did overtake Tenochtitlan, he did it by entering the city by canoe, taking out bridges, dividing his men and resources into three units, then attacking in waves. Then he slowly made a progression into the city. A turning point was in 1521, when Cuauhtemoc, the ruler of Tenochtitlan, was killed during his escape to the mainland. From there, the Spanish continued their conquest outside Central México—to places like Oaxaca.

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The Spanish Conquest of 1519 was motivated by Hernán Cortés and his small band of merchants’ lust for gold, glory, and God. The band of men merchants traveled into the highlands and marched further into the Mexican altiplano. Their goal was to overthrow the Aztec Empire. Cortés was able to achieve this by using the division between communities found in Mesoamerica at the time, as well as using Malintzin, his translator, to gain insider intel. Though Cholula didn’t have any connections with the Azteca Empire, the massacre that occurred at Cholula’s Pyramid of Quetzalcoatl, or The Great Pyramid of Cholula, is considered a foreshadowing of what was to come, as well as, the turning point of the invasion.

Cortés and his men made alliances with Cempoala and Tlaxcala along their way to the Aztec Empire. The Cempoala and Tlaxcala were long-standing enemies to the Aztec Empire. Both warring states were participants in the Flowery War, which lasted from the mid-1490s to 1519. The Flowery War involved both armies capturing the other’s soldiers, then displaying them on a skull platform located in the city. The fate of these captives was either to be sacrificed to the gods or to be forced to play a popular ballgame. The Flowery Wars demonstrates the fierceness and adversity within the Aztec Empire. Cortés and his men were fighting seasoned and skilled warriors.

In fact, Cempoala and Tlaxcala almost defeated the Spanish. However, they settled on a peaceful pact. Some historians speculate the peaceful pact wasn’t so peaceful; Historians believe Cempoala was a tributary tribe that held an alliance with the Aztec until Cortés and Malintzin blackmailed and coerced them into serving under Cortés. It’s unclear if the same occurred with Tlaxcalans. Though, once the peace pact was settled, Cortés was encouraged by both Malintzin and the Tlaxcalans to advance to the Mexica capital by way of traveling through Cholula.

Cholula’s population was around 30,000 to 50,000 people, making it one of the largest cities in Mesoamerica in 1519. Cholula was a major religious center. The city housed a temple dedicated to one of the major gods of Mesoamerica: Quetzalcoatl. According to H. B. Nicolson, the name itself means “feathered snake.” Nicholson described the god as being a rattlesnake, adored with luxurious, green quetzal feathers. The god was commonly known across Mesoamerica during the time of the conquest. However, the god’s popularity varied. The god had a great pyramid dedicated to him in Cholula, which was known as the Pyramid of Quetzalcoatl. When Cortés and his men entered the city, they carried out a massacre at this religious center.

There are myths that claim Cortés was depicted and regarded by the Choluteca as being the returning god of Quetzalcoatl. However, during the time Cortés arrived in 1519, the religious hub remained a regularly flowing crowd that came in and out of Cholula for pilgrimage. There was no dramatic change in migration which means the Choluteca had a realistic explanation as to why Cortés and his men have arrived. A few reasons might include: 1. The Choluteca were not awestruck at the Spanish’s guns and horses, nor their newcomers. 2. In Camilla Townsend’s article, “Burying the White Gods,” she notes that, while the Choluteca valued Quetzalcoatl, the god was not a “paramount god in Mesoamerica” (14). 3. Townsend emphasizes Cholula went to war with Cortés. Moctezuma and the Choluteca’s desire for war with the Spanish shows they did not believe Cortés to be their returning god. 4. It seems ironic and contradictory for this supposed returning Quetzalcoatl to destroy his own monumental pyramid.

The Massacre and destruction of The Pyramid of Quetzalcoatl were a turning point for the invasion because Cortés was given insider information which allowed him to strike first. The series of events is said to have started when Malintzin learned the Choluteca’s plot to turn against the Spanish by attacking them. Malintzin then informed Cortés. As a result, Cholulatecas were brought to the ceremonial square of the Pyramid of Quetzalcoatl and killed by Cortés and his men. The action caused the inhabitants of Cholula to call upon their allies in the outskirts of the city. Thousands of people were killed and haphazard pillaging continued for the days that followed. Had not Cortés have struck first and been severely wounded in number—it’s hard to say due to numerous factors— but it makes one wonder if the fall of the Aztec Empire would have ever occurred.

The massacre is well documented; There are eleven Colonial accounts and three hieroglyphs remain. Cortés’s personal letters to the King of Spain served as a means of justifying his illegal invasion. As a result, there are some manipulations used to ensure a good standing with the Spanish Crown when we went to court. There are speculations and differences between Cortés’s account and that of Bernal Dias del Castillo’s account, Francisco Lopez de Gomara’s account, and Fray Francisco de Aguilar’s account. Each one differs in how the Spanish were received by the Choluteca; if Cortés led his troops with consultation with a committee or not; the role of Malintzin; how fierce the Choluteca were in battle. Also, McCafferty notes that archeologist began excavations in 1931 and only 650 bodies have been found so far. The intensity in combat, causes of death, warrior demographics, and more are still being studied. Despite these differences in each account’s detail and the evidence that’s still being studied, the massacre was a sign of what would come in the Azteca Empire.

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The capital of the Aztec Empire, Tenochtitlan, was razed and rebuilt by the Spanish during their colonization. Templo Mayor was one of the buildings that was devastated. Archeologists fully uncovered the temple in 1979. The temple’s earliest construction dates to 1390 AD, while its most recent construction dates to 1521. The archeological site has transformed into a museum, where some artifacts contained turquoise. Turquoise was incorporated into the social activities that took place within the capital’s the market place, status, and religious beliefs.

Turquoise has a long history in Mesoamerica; it has been around since the Pre-Classic Era to the Late Post Classic Era, which is roughly 1500 B.C. to 1521 A.D. The stone was an item of commerce in Tenochtitlan, a major trade center. Typical trade routes would flood daily; on average the routes reached 20,000 people and easily doubled on Sundays. Luxurious goods, such as turquoise, jade, xcal obsidian, chocolate, salt, feathers, and shells were traded. These items were fashioned into various items. For instance, turquoise was made into helmets, ear plugs, masks, mirrors, sacrificial knives, scepters, shields, spears, staffs, and jewelry. These items would have been made for the elite.

Carmen Aguilera explains that “objects bearing turquoise were very expensive and could be worn only by gods, nobles, and priests.” So, elite used turquoise to display their power, wealth, and status. They also used turquoise as a gift in order to build new relations with other rulers. Turquoise was traded by traveling merchants, or the pochteca, as far north as New Mexico and as far south as the Yucatán Peninsula. Trading on such a wide scale, shows how luxurious items like turquoise shows the capital’s large network.

The capital was a major religious attraction too. According to Mark Cartwright, Templo Mayor was centrally positioned in Tenochtitlan; signifying that the temple was “the religious and social heart of the Aztec empire.” There was well-over a hundred offerings archeologist have uncovered at Templo Mayor. Most of the offerings had foreign origins. Among these gifts, turquoise was found; there were small turquoise beads, small unworked turquoise fragments, jet, alabaster, and greenstone discovered at Templo Mayor. Who were these offerings to, and why offer them turquoise?

Templo Mayor’s design gives insight into how the Mexica’s economy sustained itself. The temple was divided into two sections, each one exalted a deity. In the northern half, Tlaloc, a rain god who is associated with life and fertility, while the southern half is devoted to Huitzilopochtli, a solar god who was associated with war. According to Eduardo Moctezuma, the architectural layout of the temple suggests that “Templo Mayor contains two of the principal Aztec myths, reflecting Tenochtitlan’s two means of support: agricultural production and the military conquest of other communities to impose tribute obligations on them.” With this in mind, it makes sense why the original design of Templo Major was replicated in the Museum's layout; one half of the exhibit is dedicated to agriculture, while the other half of the exhibit is devoted to war.

While the Aztec capital was stimulated by agriculture and war, “Mesoamerican religion touched practically every aspect of social life. It regulated everything from the most insignificant daily acts to relations among the different political entities,” claimed Lopez Lujun. Turquoise, in particular, managed to permeated into the Mexica’s cosmology. Tlaloc and Huitzilopochtli were regarded as Mexica’s regional protectors, and turquoise symbolized these gods. For example, the blue-to-green color of turquoise was associated with Tlaloc. One of the artifacts from the museum was a depiction of Tlaloc wearing a turquoise mask. The mask is not merely turquoise because of his status but because turquoise symbolizes who he is. Likewise, the brightness of a turquoise stone was associated with Huitzilopochtli. Overall, turquoise played an intricate role in trade, status, and religious beliefs.

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Monté Albán is an archaeological site dating back to the Late Classic Period from 650 to 800 A.D (World Monument Fund). Monté Albán means “White Mountain” (“Visit Mexico”). Many tourists flock from around the world to the outskirts of Oaxaca to visit the Zapotec ruins, which are known for having a spectacular mountain view.

The mountaintop city contained a complex culture. For example, their art can be seen in their sophisticated architecture and sculptures. The city contains buildings, such as an observatory, a ball court, residential palaces, temples, and many tombs. The structures within the city suggest that the city’s social structure can be compared to an acropolis with a feudal system. The tombs indicated the complex burial rituals and customs. Another example is seen in the Zapoteca’s simplified calendar system. The Zapoteca kept time by using the Calendar Round, which is a combination of the Tzolkin and the Haab’. The Tzolkin was a 260-day calendar that kept sacred days. The Haab’ was a 365-day solar calendar. The Calendar Round was actually round, and it functioned much like two gears would. The effect was that both calendars synchronized into a simpler, an all-in-one calendar. Lastly, the city traded with Oaxaca and developed their own system of pictographic writing.

What is interesting is that around 700 A. D., Monté Albán was abandoned. Many of the high priests and royalty left. The commoners did not immediately leave the city. The city was not abandoned because of war; There are no signs of military force. A likely story is an economic downturn. The city Teotihuacan had undergone a great fire. The fire subsequently placed the Zapoteca’s economy into stagnation, which once combined with infertile crops, created the city’s decline in the 14th century. Shortly after the decline, Monté Albán was later reused and reoccupied by the Mixtec.

Alfonso Caso, an archaeologist, arrived in the once Zapotec capital and started digging around. He was credited with the site’s discovery. Caso was attributed for proving that there are at least five major phases in the long history of Monté Albán. He provided a chronology of its history and its relations to other sites, as well as, deciphering the Mixtec Codices. Caso found an area where there were as many as 170 tombs, all of which were filled with paintings, carvings, and other artifacts.

The tombs in Mesoamerica were chamber-like burials locations that were spacious enough to hold the remains of one or more individuals, as well as any material items. Often these uncovered tombs and the artifacts they hold offer great insights into pre-conquest Mesoamerican art and craftsmanship. The artifacts aid archaeologist “interpretation of Mesoamerican worldviews, religious ideologies, and artistic canons” (Andrews).

Out of the 170 tombs, Caso uncovered was Tomb Seven. This tomb has gained its own reputation for being one of the richest archaeological finds. The structure was originally built in the Classic Period. It was reused during the Late Postclassical. Some of the artifacts include skeletons, bone carvings, jade necklaces, earplugs, bead work, and other offerings.

Seven’s findings included nine skeletons and over 500 grave offerings. Of the nine bodies, one was named Individual A. According to Geoffrey McCafferty, Individual A was found with “a human skull covered with turquoise and shell mosaic plaques and with a flat shell representing a knife projecting from the nasal cavity” (McCafferty 144). Caso found the skull on an altar. As Caso documented the items he found, he made guesses as to what the items were, their purpose, and the like. Caso happened to assume the remains of Individual A were male. However, it is now believed that Individual A was a female.

In fact, recent studies suggest a more engendered perspective. When McCafferty revisited Tomb Seven, he found there was substantial evidence pointing at Individual A is a woman. The artifacts and offerings found were feminine. For instance, McCafferty found sewing items, such as battens, spindle whorls, onyx, and crystal spinning bowls within Tomb Seven that support the new interpretation. In fact, if Individual A is a female, it is likely that she was associated with the Crass Lady, a goddess. Other items like carved bones, were not interpreted as weaving tools by Caso despite how “he did identify a scene on one of the bones in which a possible batten was carried by Lady 9 Reed, whom he associated with an Aztec goddess Tlaxolteotl, patroness of weavers” (McCafferty 146). This new development calls archeologist to have an open mind in revisiting artifacts.

Today, people can go and visit Tomb Seven at Monté Albán and see it’s artifacts at the San Domingo Cathedral. Unfortunately, there are consequences of tourism. As Foote points out, Monté Albán only offers a tourism revenue. Foote expresses that one of the consequences of tourism is that people are living too close to the site and it persists as an issue in preservation, as well as, aiding the impoverished obtain aid from the government. Despite this issue, the rediscovery of Monté Albán and Tomb Seven have given valuable insight into the Zapotec society, culture, religion, and history, much of which is still being studied.

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People migrated to the Yucatán Peninsula roughly 11,000 years ago. While ancient civilizations in the Middle East were able to develop along streams and alluvial rivers, the Yucatán Peninsula's geography is far different from the fertile crescent. Ancient civilizations in México, such as the Maya, developed with scarce water resources. A reason for water scarcity is because the Yucatán “Peninsula is formed of a porous limestone karst unable to support much surface water," explains Christopher Boyer.

Though water sources were scarce for the Maya, they did have a naturally occurring water source called a cenote. Richard Bloom defines a cenote as, "a natural occurring geographical sinkhole.” F. G. Hall describes four common shapes for these sinkholes: 1) Jug-shaped; 2) Vertical-walled; 3) Aguada-like; 4) Cave-like. Cenotes collect rainfall and ground water. The water is filtered by limestone. Cenotes were essentially natural occurring wells that supplied the Maya with clean water.

With a scarcity of water came the conceptualization of water being holy. The water within cenotes can be used for two things: a well for drinking water, or a holy landmark to hold ceremonies. Chichén Itzá is one of the archeological sites that has a ceremonial cenote. The site is located in the Yucatán Peninsula and dates back to the Pre-Classic Period (1500BC - 300AD). Archeologists know this particular cenote was used for ceremonial sacrifice because near the top is a small building where a priest lived.

Another indication that the cenote was wholly ceremonial is the site’s name. Chichén Itzá roughly translates to “the mouth of the well” of the Itzá people. At Chichén Itzá, the well was associated with a mouth. Mouths were visual depictions of a portal between the underworld, Xibalba, and the terrestrial world. In this case, the mouth of the cenote would be affiliated with Chaac, because of the rain god’s popularity in the region. Unfortunately, there are no other indications or artifacts left at Chichén Itzá to suggest the cenote is holy.

However, when archeology was developing into a new field of study, a new archeologist by the name of Edward H. Thompson attempted to empty Chichén Itzá’s cenote, so he could excavate it. On March 5, 1904, Thompson began dredging into the site’s ceremonial cenote. Thompson’s failed to empty the cenote because he did not know about the underground river. After Thompson arguably desecrated the holy cenote, he did manage to find artifacts; He found gold, jade ornaments, and a human skeleton. It’s unclear if the human skull was sacrificial. However, the gold and jade were extravagant, and to toss them at the bottom of a cenote suggests they were gifts to the gods.

Today, Chichén Itzá is one of the most visited tourist attractions in the world. The cenote at the site is protected. While some cenotes are preserved at archaeological sites, other cenotes have developed their own tourism base.

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One of the main factors that caused the 1910 Mexican Revolution was agricultural workers not being able to own the land they worked on. Mexico had far too many large, individual land holdings making the everyday farmer struggle to gain rights to their own land. After the revolution, the Mexican people were guaranteed land to work on through agrarian reforms including limits on the amount of land any one person could own, especially foreigners. With this background, it is particularly alarming that numerous claims have been made regarding Former United States President, Lyndon B. Johnson operating a ranch of 108,724 acres deep in the Mexican state of Chihuahua in the years following his presidency.

Local farmers filed the original complaint with the Mexican government in 1972 claiming that Johnson had an illegal land holding. The government looked into the issue, but concluded there was no issue since Johnson was not on record for owning any land within the country of Mexico. The names on file for the land holdings are Antonio Díaz Ballesteros, Manuel Barber, Salvador Lara Huerta, and a Mr. Torge. This, however, was not surprising because it was common for big ranchers in Mexico to put their land ownings in different trusted ranch hand’s names in order to circumvent the limits on the acreage of land that could legally be owned by a single individual. Many sources ranging from personal accounts from farmers on the ground, newspaper articles from neighboring towns, the United States National Park Service, as well as personal records from President Johnson have all shown indisputable evidence that Johnson was involved in Las Pampas Ranch. [1] This now begs the first question, how was this possible for Johnson and second, why would he even consider such a thing?

President Johnson had a unique friendship with former Mexican President Miguel Alemán and while they were never president at the same time, the two politicians found great company with each other. Johnson would annually spend every February with Alemán at his vacation house in southern Mexico and Alemán is recorded visiting Johnson’s own Ranch in Texas a number of times. Additionally U.S. sources have never shied away from the idea that Johnson had some sort of tie to Las Pampas Ranch, but they are always quick to say it was under the ownership of Alemán. This, however, is untrue because even though Alemán has been recorded visiting Las Pampas a number of times, his name is nowhere on any of the legal ownership documents. [2]

Regardless of who had official ownership of Las Pampas Ranch, there are substantial and undeniable sources that place Johnson as the person who had the utmost control over the happenings at the Ranch. Jewell Scott, Johnson’s close personal friend as well as secretary, post presidency, was interviewed in 1990 about many aspects of Johnson’s life after the White House and she substantiated the claims regarding Johnson’s involvement with Las Pampas Ranch. In her interview with the Lyndon B. Johnson Presidential Library, Scott discusses the Johnson’s effort that was put into Las Pampas ranch. There were thousands of cows on the land as well as a house that Johnson’s wife, Lady Bird, decorated. Scott also speaks of the revenue the ranch brought in as well as the personal connection Johnson had to the ranch hands at Las Pampas. Scott’s interview justifies the first hand accounts and claims from the local Chihuahua residents about Johnson’s involvement with Las Pampas. [3]

Now we must address the question of why Johnson would even consider having such a large ranch in rural Mexico. First, Johnson has always been a ranch man, he was born on family ranch land and he died on family ranch land. Johnson spent so much time on his Texas ranch while president that it was renamed the Texas White House. However, local newspapers from towns near Las Pampas Ranch discuss the social impact that Johnson had on the people living near the ranch. Johnson was very passionate about helping the people near the Ranch. He provided them with clothing essentials and would ask his friends in Texas to donate used clothes for the people of Chihuahua as well. Additionally, what the people interviewed seem to place the greatest emphasis on was the interest Johnson had with spreading contraception to the people of the area. He was concerned with the lives of the children that were living there and wanted to help the people break out of the cycle of poverty and he believed contraception was the way to do it. With this emphasis on helping the people, it can be argued that Johnson was trying to make an impact on the people of Las Pampas in a way that he was not able to in the United States. [4]

The ruralness of Las Pampas Ranch allowed Johnson to be in his own domain and not have to report back to anyone like he had to in his United States presidency. Additionally, the way in which he was able to lay claim to the land, informally through multiple people, allowed him a sense of anonymity, almost like a blank slate. While the legality of Las Pampas Ranch still resides in a grey area, it is clear that Johnson’s unofficial ranch simply fulfilled his personal and emotional ties to Mexico.

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If one were to find themselves strolling through the parks of Mexico City, they might be surprised to run into a statue of United States President Abraham Lincoln in Mexico City’s aptly named, Parque Lincoln. Commissioned by the United States president at the time, Lyndon B. Johnson, the statue in Parque Lincoln is a replica made from a mold of the “Standing Lincoln” statue in Lincoln Park, Chicago. The original “Standing Lincoln,” completed in 1887 by Augustus St. Gaudens, set an important precedent on how President Lincoln’s personage was to be remembered in future works of art. St. Gaudens is often credited with being the pioneer behind the pensive, deep in thought, and almost sorrowful depiction of President Lincoln that would soon come to dominate future works of art and remembrance. [1]

This begs the question, why is there a replica of such an important statue to the United States in Mexico City? This question requires a deeper understanding of not just United States and Mexican relations, but most importantly and understanding of the role Mexico played in the global balance of power that existed during the Cold War Era. Mexico was in an incredibly unique position during this time, to use the verbiage from the Sixties, the United States and Mexican border is the only place in the world where a country that has been generally deemed a first world and third world country borders each other. While our current, twenty first century mindset, might not be alert to the significance of this, the struggle of power during the Cold War Era created a very pivotal relationship between Mexico and the United States.

Among other domestic happenings, the precursor to the Sixties in Mexico on an international scale was the effects of the Good Neighbor Policy and to some extent the Monroe Doctrine, implemented by the United States in the decades prior. While it is important to not associate all international actions by Mexico with influence from the United States, due to their unique geographical connections paired with differing global status at the time, it would be irresponsible to ignore the obvious connections. Before the Sixties, the United States had taken it upon itself to be the defender of Latin American countries from influence from the other hemisphere. These actions had created a tense and even sometimes hostile relationship between Latin America and the United States. Mexico’s unique position global and economically with the United States made them an important mediator, even if just politically, between the United States and the rest of Latin America. [2]

This background leads into the true significance of the “Standing Lincoln” statue in Mexico City. The statue of Lincoln was given to Mexico during Lyndon B. Johnson's administration to show a friendly and respectful bond between the two nations during a tumultuous international climate as described above. At the dedication of the statue in Mexico city, Johnson said, “All nations rightly praise their own famous men, but only truly great people pause to pay tribute to the great of other lands and that is what Mexico is doing today.” Lincoln was chosen because of the significance and connection that he has to Mexico. As a senator Lincoln was against the United States invading Mexico in 1846 and while he was president he spoke out against European imperialism as well. Lincoln was the perfect person to use as a symbol of friendship between the two nations. Mexico would eventually reciprocate the gesture with a statue of none other than Benito Juárez, a beloved Mexican President, to be placed in the United State’s capital of Washington D.C. [3]

While the significance behind the actual statues are alone grand symbols of the relationship between the United States and Mexico during this time, the actual dedication adds a complete other dimension. Not only was there a huge celebration in Mexico City for the unveiling of the duplicate “Standing Lincoln” created by Felix DeWeldon, but it was attended by a number of United States government officials as well. Members present at the dedication included a number of senators and congressmen as well as President Johnson and the First Lady, Lady Bird. When the United States delegation arrived, a fully decorated airport in Mexican colors and a 21 gun salute greeted them. Additionally, both President Johnson and President Díaz Ordaz of Mexico provided remarks.

The Mexican people received the delegation from the United States, especially the President and First Lady so warmly that documents from the White House state it was the warmest welcome that President Johnson had ever received. The warm welcome of the United States delegation to Mexico was not just from the people of the country, but from the President and First Lady of Mexico themselves. The Díaz Ordaz’s hosted the Johnsons in their own personal quarters and helped to facilitate useful connections between the two groups. [4]

While the simple dedication and existence of a statue of Abraham Lincoln in Mexico City might not come off as incredibly significant at first thought, the timing and the political climate surrounding it was momentous in solidifying the relationship between the United States and Mexico in the Sixties. Mexico was wanting to be an ally to the United States and a facilitator for the rest of Latin America to not be afraid of dealing with the United States, but at the same time they were yearning to prove they could be thought of as a country that can stand on its own. The symbolism of the statues paired with the enthusiasm of the Mexican people exemplifies a willingness to open the door to a new and equal relationship between the two neighboring countries.

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The Pink Zone or better known as, "La Zona Rosa” is a commercial site in the City of Mexico which is known for having all sorts of restaurants, bars, hotels, sex shops and fun commercial venues. “La Zona Rosa” was created around the 1950's, but did not receive much fame until 1970 because that was the year Mexico hosted the 1970 FIFA World Cup for the first time. Now “La Zona Rosa” is well known for being the place for many of the members of the LGBT community in Mexico. The Pink Zone’s history as a community began when it was developed as a residential area for rich foreigners. It was also a place where many people in Mexico City were looking to move away from the center of the city. In 1906 the four colonies that were established around the 19th century there became known as “Colonia Benito Juarez Garcia”, but the expansion of this area was delayed during the Mexican Revolution in 1910-1920. It was Rafael Martínez de la Torre who began the development of the Pink Zone. The next chapter in the area’s history was from the 1950s to 1980s. It was restored by artists, academics and the city’s elite who repopulated the zone, giving it an alternative status and attracted special restaurants and clubs for visiting politicians and other elites. It was during this time that the area received the name of “La Zona Rosa”. The name of this commercial site was given by Jose Luis Cuevas, a famous Mexican artist who was an important figure in the Mexican muralism movement. He mentioned that the commercial site was too reserved to be a red zone but too cheerful to be white zone, so it essentially became the Pink Zone. This upscale era of the pink zone ended in the 1980s, when many of the expensive businesses moved out; this was partly the effect of the 1985 earthquake that Mexico City endured. This allowed for many of the night clubs, prostitution and other crime to move into the pink zone.

Nonetheless, “La Zona Rosa” is considered today the largest and one of the most iconic areas in the Mexico City. The Pink Zone has over 200 businesses spread over sixteen blocks. The most visited and well known businesses are bars, places of entertainment, and “antros,” which is the name given to night clubs in Latin America. These bars, clubs, and other entertainment places mostly tailor to the young people. Even so, these businesses are usually marked with rainbow colored flags or other decorations on the front because the Pink Zone has become a sort of reunion spot for the LGBT community. Regardless of the reasons for going to the Pink Zone, the pink zone has become an important area for public history in Mexico

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The 20th November is a famous market in the city of Oaxaca. It is known for having foods such as, meats, produce, and bread. In the 20th November Market one can purchase their food and have it cooked right then and there. This is one of the most famous markets in Oaxaca. There are other famous markets like the Benito Juarez Market, an outside market, just one block away from the 20th November Market, but it does not compare to the 20th of November. This market began its construction in 1862 during the presidency of Benito Juarez. This is also the same year the Battle of Puebla took place. The market finalized construction in 1882. The name of the market comes from the start date of the Mexican Revolution in 1910. Though the market was constructed before the Mexican Revolution, it is not clear what the name was before it became the 20th of November. Regardless, it is safe to say that the name was given in honor Revolution Day in Mexico.

When one walks into the 20th of November Market, the first thing one would notice are the different types of smells and food that come from the market. Since everything is cooked inside the market, it is hard to avoid the aroma and the atmosphere. The market has some shops selling chocolate or bread, but many are small restaurants with counters and shared tables where you can stop for a quick bite. If one is a tourist, the owners of the small restaurants or shops would be quick to figure it out and they would badger one to eat at their restaurant or buy their goods. It is hard to find many tourists in this market though. Most of the people who visit the 20th of November are the locals of Oaxaca. Therefore, going to this market is ideal when trying to get a feel for a traditional Mexican vibe.

The 20th November Market has made itself part of the Oaxaca culture and tradition. Though there are many other markets in the republic of Mexico, there are only a few that are similar to this one, but many of the locals from Oaxaca prefer the 20th of November. The atmosphere in the market is absolutely phenomenal. No other market in Mexico would have the convenience that this market has. The 20th of November is just one block away from the “Zocalo” of Oaxaca. Hence, anyone that is walking the “Zocalo” in Oaxaca, and is hungry for Mexican food can easily stop by the 20th November Market. This market is well known in the city of Oaxaca and for that sole reason the market is iconic to the city and its people.

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Merida is known for its rich history in Maya culture and tradition. The Yucatan capital was found on January 6, 1542 by Francisco de Montejo, but the history of Merida goes back to the ancient Maya city of Ichcanziho. Merida was built on the ruins of the ancient Maya city. Today Merida still embraces several Maya culture and tradition, from food, to having reenactments of the ball game every Friday, to even the people. It is no surprise why Merida is known as a colonial city, but now this cosmopolitan city has distinguished itself from other cities in Mexico by having something very particular that only can be seen in its originality in the state of Yucatan, even more in Merida. The you and me chairs, or the “sillas tu y yo” are what brings a uniqueness quality to this beautiful city. It is very rare to find in any other Mexican state to have an abundance of “sillas tu y yo”. These chairs or benches can be seen all around Merida. The chairs seat two people, they are binary and are usually painted white, and the chairs are connected by their handles on opposite sides, so when you sit down you are facing the other person. These chairs are usually used by lovers, friends and or people that share an interpersonal relationship. The name " tu y yo" is Spanish for you and me, this was the name given to the chairs for obvious reasons. The “tu y yo” chairs have become part of the Yucatan culture and identity. These chairs can be seen mainly in the Square of Independence or as many of the locals call it “la plaza grande”. The chairs were installed there in 1915 during the remodeling of the Square of Independence.

It is unsure on why these chairs were constructed. Some believe that it was a design taken from the “butacas confidentes”, this was the name of similar chairs that were designed in France during the Renaissance. Although the origin of these chairs is unclear, there is a popular legend that many people in Merida like to believe is the reason behind the “sillas tu y yo”. The tale says there once was a very overprotective father in Merida and this man had a daughter who at the time was seeing a boy who she really liked. The daughter would tell her father that she wanted to go out with the boy, but then the overprotective father would ask her “to do what?”, in which case she would reply, “just to talk”. The father agreed to let her go out and talk to the boy, but when the boy and girl were sitting down on a normal traditional bench the father saw how close they were sitting next to each other, so it was then when he decided to create the “sillas tu y yo”. This way the boy and the girl could just talk comfortably without having to sit next to each other. Regardless of what brought these chairs to the city of Merida and now the Yucatan Peninsula, the you and me chairs have become part of the city’s culture and individuality.

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